29 december 2017

Letters written during a short residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, by Mary Wollstonecraft. (Efterskrift til Politivennen)

 LETTER XVIII.—COPENHAGEN.

The distance from Elsineur to Copenhagen is twenty-two miles; the road is very good, over a flat country diversified with wood, mostly beech, and decent mansions.  There appeared to be a great quantity of corn land, and the soil looked much more fertile than it is in general so near the sea.  The rising grounds, indeed, were very few, and around Copenhagen it is a perfect plain; of course has nothing to recommend it but cultivation, not decorations. If I say that the houses did not disgust me, I tell you all I remember of them, for I cannot recollect any pleasurable sensations they excited, or that any object, produced by nature or art, took me out of myself. The view of the city, as we drew near, was rather grand, but without any striking feature to interest the imagination, excepting the trees which shade the footpaths.

Just before I reached Copenhagen I saw a number of tents on a wide plain, and supposed that the rage for encampments had reached this city; but I soon discovered that they were the asylum of many of the poor families who had been driven out of their habitations by the late fire.

Entering soon after, I passed amongst the dust and rubbish it had left, affrighted by viewing the extent of the devastation, for at least a quarter of the city had been destroyed. There was little in the appearance of fallen bricks and stacks of chimneys to allure the imagination into soothing melancholy reveries; nothing to attract the eye of taste, but much to afflict the benevolent heart.  The depredations of time have always something in them to employ the fancy, or lead to musing on subjects which, withdrawing the mind from objects of sense, seem to give it new dignity; but here I was treading on live ashes. The sufferers were still under the pressure of the misery occasioned by this dreadful conflagration. I could not take refuge in the thought: they suffered, but they are no more! a reflection I frequently summon to calm my mind when sympathy rises to anguish. I therefore desired the driver to hasten to the hotel recommended to me, that I might avert my eyes and snap the train of thinking which had sent me into all the corners of the city in search of houseless heads.

This morning I have been walking round the town, till I am weary of observing the ravages. I had often heard the Danes, even those who had seen Paris and London, speak of Copenhagen with rapture. Certainly I have seen it in a very disadvantageous light, some of the best streets having been burnt, and the whole place thrown into confusion. Still the utmost that can, or could ever, I believe, have been said in its praise, might be comprised in a few words. The streets are open, and many of the houses large; but I saw nothing to rouse the idea of elegance or grandeur, if I except the circus where the king and prince royal reside.

The palace, which was consumed about two years ago, must have been a handsome, spacious building; the stone-work is still standing, and a great number of the poor, during the late fire, took refuge in its ruins till they could find some other abode. Beds were thrown on the landing-places of the grand staircase, where whole families crept from the cold, and every little nook is boarded up as a retreat for some poor creatures deprived of their home. At present a roof may be sufficient to shelter them from the night air; but as the season advances, the extent of the calamity will be more severely felt, I fear, though the exertions on the part of Government are very considerable.  Private charity has also, no doubt, done much to alleviate the misery which obtrudes itself at every turn; still, public spirit appears to me to be hardly alive here. Had it existed, the conflagration might have been smothered in the beginning, as it was at last, by tearing down several houses before the flames had reached them. To this the inhabitants would not consent; and the prince royal not having sufficient energy of character to know when he ought to be absolute, calmly let them pursue their own course, till the whole city seemed to be threatened with destruction.  Adhering, with puerile scrupulosity, to the law which he has imposed on himself, of acting exactly right, he did wrong by idly lamenting whilst he marked the progress of a mischief that one decided step would have stopped. He was afterwards obliged to resort to violent measures; but then, who could blame him? And, to avoid censure, what sacrifices are not made by weak minds?

A gentleman who was a witness of the scene assured me, likewise, that if the people of property had taken half as much pains to extinguish the fire as to preserve their valuables and furniture, it would soon have been got under. But they who were not immediately in danger did not exert themselves sufficiently, till fear, like an electrical shock, roused all the inhabitants to a sense of the general evil. Even the fire-engines were out of order, though the burning of the palace ought to have admonished them of the necessity of keeping them in constant repair. But this kind of indolence respecting what does not immediately concern them seems to characterise the Danes.  A sluggish concentration in themselves makes them so careful to preserve their property, that they will not venture on any enterprise to increase it in which there is a shadow of hazard.

Considering Copenhagen as the capital of Denmark and Norway, I was surprised not to see so much industry or taste as in Christiania. Indeed, from everything I have had an opportunity of observing, the Danes are the people who have made the fewest sacrifices to the graces.

The men of business are domestic tyrants, coldly immersed in their own affairs, and so ignorant of the state of other countries, that they dogmatically assert that Denmark is the happiest country in the world; the Prince Royal the best of all possible princes; and Count Bernstorff the wisest of ministers.

As for the women, they are simply notable housewives; without accomplishments or any of the charms that adorn more advanced social life. This total ignorance may enable them to save something in their kitchens, but it is far from rendering them better parents. On the contrary, the children are spoiled, as they usually are when left to the care of weak, indulgent mothers, who having no principle of action to regulate their feelings, become the slaves of infants, enfeebling both body and mind by false tenderness.

I am, perhaps, a little prejudiced, as I write from the impression of the moment; for I have been tormented to-day by the presence of unruly children, and made angry by some invectives thrown out against the maternal character of the unfortunate Matilda. She was censured, with the most cruel insinuation, for her management of her son, though, from what I could gather, she gave proofs of good sense as well as tenderness in her attention to him. She used to bathe him herself every morning; insisted on his being loosely clad; and would not permit his attendants to injure his digestion by humouring his appetite. She was equally careful to prevent his acquiring haughty airs, and playing the tyrant in leading-strings. The Queen Dowager would not permit her to suckle him; but the next child being a daughter, and not the Heir-Apparent of the Crown, less opposition was made to her discharging the duty of a mother.

Poor Matilda! thou hast haunted me ever since may arrival; and the view I have had of the manners of the country, exciting my sympathy, has increased my respect for thy memory.

I am now fully convinced that she was the victim of the party she displaced, who would have overlooked or encouraged her attachment, had not her lover, aiming at being useful, attempted to overturn some established abuses before the people, ripe for the change, had sufficient spirit to support him when struggling in their behalf. Such indeed was the asperity sharpened against her that I have heard her, even after so many years have elapsed, charged with licentiousness, not only for endeavouring to render the public amusements more elegant, but for her very charities, because she erected, amongst other institutions, a hospital to receive foundlings. Disgusted with many customs which pass for virtues, though they are nothing more than observances of forms, often at the expense of truth, she probably ran into an error common to innovators, in wishing to do immediately what can only be done by time.

Many very cogent reasons have been urged by her friends to prove that her affection for Struensee was never carried to the length alleged against her by those who feared her influence. Be that as it may she certainly was no a woman of gallantry, and if she had an attachment for him it did not disgrace her heart or understanding, the king being a notorious debauchee and an idiot into the bargain. As the king’s conduct had always been directed by some favourite, they also endeavoured to govern him, from a principle of self-preservation as well as a laudable ambition; but, not aware of the prejudices they had to encounter, the system they adopted displayed more benevolence of heart than soundness of judgment. As to the charge, still believed, of their giving the King drugs to injure his faculties, it is too absurd to be refuted. Their oppressors had better have accused them of dabbling in the black art, for the potent spell still keeps his wits in bondage.

I cannot describe to you the effect it had on me to see this puppet of a monarch moved by the strings which Count Bernstorff holds fast; sit, with vacant eye, erect, receiving the homage of courtiers who mock him with a show of respect. He is, in fact, merely a machine of state, to subscribe the name of a king to the acts of the Government, which, to avoid danger, have no value unless countersigned by the Prince Royal; for he is allowed to be absolutely aim idiot, excepting that now and then an observation or trick escapes him, which looks more like madness than imbecility.

What a farce is life. This effigy of majesty is allowed to burn down to the socket, whilst the hapless Matilda was hurried into an untimely grave.

“As flies to wanton boys, are we to the gods;
They kill us for their sport.”

Adieu!


LETTER XIX.

Business having obliged me to go a few miles out of town this morning I was surprised at meeting a crowd of people of every description, and inquiring the cause of a servant, who spoke French, I was informed that a man had been executed two hours before, and the body afterwards burnt.  I could not help looking with horror around—the fields lost their verdure—and I turned with disgust from the well-dressed women who were returning with their children from this sight.  What a spectacle for humanity! The seeing such a flock of idle gazers plunged me into a train of reflections on the pernicious effects produced by false notions of justice. And I am persuaded that till capital punishments are entirely abolished executions ought to have every appearance of horror given to them, instead of being, as they are now, a scene of amusement for the gaping crowd, where sympathy is quickly effaced by curiosity.

I have always been of opinion that the allowing actors to die in the presence of the audience has an immoral tendency, but trifling when compared with the ferocity acquired by viewing the reality as a show; for it seems to me that in all countries the common people go to executions to see how the poor wretch plays his part, rather than to commiserate his fate, much less to think of the breach of morality which has brought him to such a deplorable end. Consequently executions, far from being useful examples to the survivors, have, I am persuaded, a quite contrary effect, by hardening the heart they ought to terrify. Besides the fear of an ignominious death, I believe, never deferred anyone from the commission of a crime, because, in committing it, the mind is roused to activity about present circumstances. It is a game at hazard, at which all expect the turn of the die in their own favour, never reflecting on the chance of ruin till it comes. In fact, from what I saw in the fortresses of Norway, I am more and more convinced that the same energy of character which renders a man a daring villain would have rendered him useful to society, had that society been well organised. When a strong mind is not disciplined by cultivation it is a sense of injustice that renders it unjust.

Executions, however, occur very rarely at Copenhagen; for timidity, rather than clemency, palsies all the operations of the present Government. The malefactor who died this morning would not, probably, have been punished with death at any other period; but an incendiary excites universal execration; and as the greater part of the inhabitants are still distressed by the late conflagration, an example was thought absolutely necessary; though, from what I can gather, the fire was accidental.

Not, but that I have very seriously been informed, that combustible materials were placed at proper distance, by the emissaries of Mr. Pitt; and, to corroborate the fact, many people insist that the flames burst out at once in different parts of the city; not allowing the wind to have any hand in it.  So much for the plot. But the fabricators of plots in all countries build their conjectures on the “baseless fabric of a vision;” and it seems even a sort of poetical justice, that whilst this Minister is crushing at home plots of his own conjuring up, on the Continent, and in the north, he should, with as little foundation, be accused of wishing to set the world on fire.

I forgot to mention to you, that I was informed, by a man of veracity, that two persons came to the stake to drink a glass of the criminal’s blood, as an infallible remedy for the apoplexy. And when I animadverted in the company, where it was mentioned, on such a horrible violation of nature, a Danish lady reproved me very severely, asking how I knew that it was not a cure for the disease? adding, that every attempt was justifiable in search of health. I did not, you may imagine, enter into an argument with a person the slave of such a gross prejudice. And I allude to it not only as a trait of the ignorance of the people, but to censure the Government for not preventing scenes that throw an odium on the human race.

Empiricism is not peculiar to Denmark; and I know no way of rooting it out, though it be a remnant of exploded witchcraft, till the acquiring a general knowledge of the component parts of the human frame becomes a part of public education.

Since the fire, the inhabitants have been very assiduously employed in searching for property secreted during the confusion; and it is astonishing how many people, formerly termed reputable, had availed themselves of the common calamity to purloin what the flames spared. Others, expert at making a distinction without a difference, concealed what they found, not troubling themselves to inquire for the owners, though they scrupled to search for plunder anywhere, but amongst the ruins.

To be honester than the laws require is by most people thought a work of supererogation; and to slip through the grate of the law has ever exercised the abilities of adventurers, who wish to get rich the shortest way. Knavery without personal danger is an art brought to great perfection by the statesman and swindler; and meaner knaves are not tardy in following their footsteps.

It moves my gall to discover some of the commercial frauds practised during the present war.  In short, under whatever point of view I consider society, it appears to me that an adoration of property is the root of all evil. Here it does not render the people enterprising, as in America, but thrifty and cautious.  I never, therefore, was in a capital where there was so little appearance of active industry; and as for gaiety, I looked in vain for the sprightly gait of the Norwegians, who in every respect appear to me to have got the start of them. This difference I attribute to their having more liberty—a liberty which they think their right by inheritance, whilst the Danes, when they boast of their negative happiness, always mention it as the boon of the Prince Royal, under the superintending wisdom of Count Bernstorff. Vassalage is nevertheless ceasing throughout the kingdom, and with it will pass away that sordid avarice which every modification of slavery is calculated to produce.

If the chief use of property be power, in the shape of the respect it procures, is it not among the inconsistencies of human nature most incomprehensible, that men should find a pleasure in hoarding up property which they steal from their necessities, even when they are convinced that it would be dangerous to display such an enviable superiority? Is not this the situation of serfs in every country. Yet a rapacity to accumulate money seems to become stronger in proportion as it is allowed to be useless.

Wealth does not appear to be sought for amongst the Danes, to obtain the excellent luxuries of life, for a want of taste is very conspicuous at Copenhagen; so much so that I am not surprised to hear that poor Matilda offended the rigid Lutherans by aiming to refine their pleasures. The elegance which she wished to introduce was termed lasciviousness; yet I do not find that the absence of gallantry renders the wives more chaste, or the husbands more constant. Love here seems to corrupt the morals without polishing the manners, by banishing confidence and truth, the charm as well as cement of domestic life. A gentleman, who has resided in this city some time, assures me that he could not find language to give me an idea of the gross debaucheries into which the lower order of people fall; and the promiscuous amours of the men of the middling class with their female servants debase both beyond measure, weakening every species of family affection.

I have everywhere been struck by one characteristic difference in the conduct of the two sexes; women, in general, are seduced by their superiors, and men jilted by their inferiors: rank and manners awe the one, and cunning and wantonness subjugate the other; ambition creeping into the woman’s passion, and tyranny giving force to the man’s, for most men treat their mistresses as kings do their favourites: ergo is not man then the tyrant of the creation?

Still harping on the same subject, you will exclaim—How can I avoid it, when most of the struggles of an eventful life have been occasioned by the oppressed state of my sex? We reason deeply when we feel forcibly.

But to return to the straight road of observation. The sensuality so prevalent appears to me to arise rather from indolence of mind and dull senses, than from an exuberance of life, which often fructifies the whole character when the vivacity of youthful spirits begins to subside into strength of mind.

I have before mentioned that the men are domestic tyrants, considering them as fathers, brothers, or husbands; but there is a kind of interregnum between the reign of the father and husband which is the only period of freedom and pleasure that the women enjoy. Young people who are attached to each other, with the consent of their friends, exchange rings, and are permitted to enjoy a degree of liberty together which I have never noticed in any other country. The days of courtship are, therefore, prolonged till it be perfectly convenient to marry: the intimacy often becomes very tender; and if the lover obtain the privilege of a husband, it can only be termed half by stealth, because the family is wilfully blind. It happens very rarely that these honorary engagements are dissolved or disregarded, a stigma being attached to a breach of faith which is thought more disgraceful, if not so criminal, as the violation of the marriage-vow.

Do not forget that, in my general observations, I do not pretend to sketch a national character, but merely to note the present state of morals and manners as I trace the progress of the world’s improvement. Because, during my residence in different countries, my principal object has been to take such a dispassionate view of men as will lead me to form a just idea of the nature of man.  And, to deal ingenuously with you, I believe I should have been less severe in the remarks I have made on the vanity and depravity of the French, had I travelled towards the north before I visited France.

The interesting picture frequently drawn of the virtues of a rising people has, I fear, been fallacious, excepting the accounts of the enthusiasm which various public struggles have produced. We talk of the depravity of the French, and lay a stress on the old age of the nation; yet where has more virtuous enthusiasm been displayed than during the two last years by the common people of France, and in their armies? I am obliged sometimes to recollect the numberless instances which I have either witnessed, or heard well authenticated, to balance the account of horrors, alas! but too true. I am, therefore, inclined to believe that the gross vices which I have always seem allied with simplicity of manners, are the concomitants of ignorance.

What, for example, has piety, under the heathen or Christian system, been, but a blind faith in things contrary to the principles of reason? And could poor reason make considerable advances when it was reckoned the highest degree of virtue to do violence to its dictates? Lutherans, preaching reformation, have built a reputation for sanctity on the same foundation as the Catholics; yet I do not perceive that a regular attendance on public worship, and their other observances, make them a whit more true in their affections, or honest in their private transactions. It seems, indeed, quite as easy to prevaricate with religious injunctions as human laws, when the exercise of their reason does not lead people to acquire principles for themselves to be the criterion of all those they receive from others.

If travelling, as the completion of a liberal education, were to be adopted on rational grounds, the northern states ought to be visited before the more polished parts of Europe, to serve as the elements even of the knowledge of manners, only to be acquired by tracing the various shades in different countries. But, when visiting distant climes, a momentary social sympathy should not be allowed to influence the conclusions of the understanding, for hospitality too frequently leads travellers, especially those who travel in search of pleasure, to make a false estimate of the virtues of a nation, which, I am now convinced, bear an exact proportion to their scientific improvements.

Adieu.


LETTER XXI.

I have seen Count Bernstorff; and his conversation confirms me in the opinion I had previously formed of him; I mean, since my arrival at Copenhagen. He is a worthy man, a little vain of his virtue à la Necker; and more anxious not to do wrong, that is to avoid blame, than desirous of doing good; especially if any particular good demands a change. Prudence, in short, seems to be the basis of his character; and, from the tenor of the Government, I should think inclining to that cautious circumspection which treads on the heels of timidity. He has considerable information, and some finesse; or he could not be a Minister. Determined not to risk his popularity, for he is tenderly careful of his reputation, he will never gloriously fail like Struensee, or disturb, with the energy of genius, the stagnant state of the public mind.

I suppose that Lavater, whom he invited to visit him two years ago—some say to fix the principles of the Christian religion firmly in the Prince Royal’s mind, found lines in his face to prove him a statesman of the first order; because he has a knack at seeing a great character in the countenances of men in exalted stations, who have noticed him or his works. Besides, the Count’s sentiments relative to the French Revolution, agreeing with Lavater’s, must have ensured his applause.

The Danes, in general, seem extremely averse to innovation, and if happiness only consist in opinion, they are the happiest people in the world; for I never saw any so well satisfied with their own situation. Yet the climate appears to be very disagreeable, the weather being dry and sultry, or moist and cold; the atmosphere never having that sharp, bracing purity, which in Norway prepares you to brave its rigours. I do not hear the inhabitants of this place talk with delight of the winter, which is the constant theme of the Norwegians; on the contrary, they seem to dread its comfortless inclemency.

The ramparts are pleasant, and must have been much more so before the fire, the walkers not being annoyed by the clouds of dust which, at present, the slightest wind wafts from the ruins.  The windmills, and the comfortable houses contiguous, belonging to the millers, as well as the appearance of the spacious barracks for the soldiers and sailors, tend to render this walk more agreeable. The view of the country has not much to recommend it to notice but its extent and cultivation: yet as the eye always delights to dwell on verdant plains, especially when we are resident in a great city, these shady walks should be reckoned amongst the advantages procured by the Government for the inhabitants. I like them better than the Royal Gardens, also open to the public, because the latter seem sunk in the heart of the city, to concentrate its fogs.

The canals which intersect the streets are equally convenient and wholesome; but the view of the sea commanded by the town had little to interest me whilst the remembrance of the various bold and picturesque shores I had seen was fresh in my memory. Still the opulent inhabitants, who seldom go abroad, must find the spots were they fix their country seats much pleasanter on account of the vicinity of the ocean.

One of the best streets in Copenhagen is almost filled with hospitals, erected by the Government, and, I am assured, as well regulated as institutions of this kind are in any country; but whether hospitals or workhouses are anywhere superintended with sufficient humanity I have frequently had reason to doubt.

The autumn is so uncommonly fine that I am unwilling to put off my journey to Hamburg much longer, lest the weather should alter suddenly, and the chilly harbingers of winter catch me here, where I have nothing now to detain me but the hospitality of the families to whom I had recommendatory letters. I lodged at an hotel situated in a large open square, where the troops exercise and the market is kept. My apartments were very good; and on account of the fire I was told that I should be charged very high; yet, paying my bill just now, I find the demands much lower in proportion than in Norway, though my dinners were in every respect better.

I have remained more at home since I arrived at Copenhagen than I ought to have done in a strange place, but the mind is not always equally active in search of information, and my oppressed heart too often sighs out—

“How dull, flat, and unprofitable
Are to me all the usages of this world:
That it should come to this!”

Farewell!  Fare thee well, I say; if thou canst, repeat the adieu in a different tone.


LETTER XXII.

I arrived at Corsoer the night after I quitted Copenhagen, purposing to take my passage across the Great Belt the next morning, though the weather was rather boisterous. It is about four-and-twenty miles but as both I and my little girl are never attacked by sea-sickness—though who can avoid ennui?—I enter a boat with the same indifference as I change horses; and as for danger, come when it may, I dread it not sufficiently to have any anticipating fears.

The road from Copenhagen was very good, through an open, flat country that had little to recommend it to notice excepting the cultivation, which gratified my heart more than my eye.

I took a barge with a German baron who was hastening back from a tour into Denmark, alarmed by the intelligence of the French having passed the Rhine. His conversation beguiled the time, and gave a sort of stimulus to my spirits, which had been growing more and more languid ever since my return to Gothenburg; you know why. I had often endeavoured to rouse myself to observation by reflecting that I was passing through scenes which I should probably never see again, and consequently ought not to omit observing. Still I fell into reveries, thinking, by way of excuse, that enlargement of mind and refined feelings are of little use but to barb the arrows of sorrow which waylay us everywhere, eluding the sagacity of wisdom and rendering principles unavailing, if considered as a breastwork to secure our own hearts.

Though we had not a direct wind, we were not detained more than three hours and a half on the water, just long enough to give us an appetite for our dinner.

We travelled the remainder of the day and the following night in company with the same party, the German gentleman whom I have mentioned, his friend, and servant. The meetings at the post-houses were pleasant to me, who usually heard nothing but strange tongues around me.  Marguerite and the child often fell asleep, and when they were awake I might still reckon myself alone, as our train of thoughts had nothing in common. Marguerite, it is true, was much amused by the costume of the women, particularly by the pannier which adorned both their heads and tails, and with great glee recounted to me the stories she had treasured up for her family when once more within the barriers of dear Paris, not forgetting, with that arch, agreeable vanity peculiar to the French, which they exhibit whilst half ridiculing it, to remind me of the importance she should assume when she informed her friends of all her journeys by sea and land, showing the pieces of money she had collected, and stammering out a few foreign phrases, which she repeated in a true Parisian accent. Happy thoughtlessness! ay, and enviable harmless vanity, which thus produced a gaité du coeur worth all my philosophy!

The man I had hired at Copenhagen advised me to go round about twenty miles to avoid passing the Little Belt excepting by a ferry, as the wind was contrary. But the gentlemen overruled his arguments, which we were all very sorry for afterwards, when we found ourselves becalmed on the Little Belt ten hours, tacking about without ceasing, to gain the shore.

An oversight likewise made the passage appear much more tedious, nay, almost insupportable. When I went on board at the Great Belt, I had provided refreshments in case of detention, which remaining untouched I thought not then any such precaution necessary for the second passage, misled by the epithet of “little,” though I have since been informed that it is frequently the longest. This mistake occasioned much vexation; for the child, at last, began to cry so bitterly for bread, that fancy conjured up before me the wretched Ugolino, with his famished children; and I, literally speaking, enveloped myself in sympathetic horrors, augmented by every fear my babe shed, from which I could not escape till we landed, and a luncheon of bread and basin of milk routed the spectres of fancy.

I then supped with my companions, with whom I was soon after to part for ever—always a most melancholy death-like idea—a sort of separation of soul; for all the regret which follows those from whom fate separates us seems to be something torn from ourselves. These were strangers I remember; yet when there is any originality in a countenance, it takes its place in our memory, and we are sorry to lose an acquaintance the moment he begins to interest us, through picked up on the highway. There was, in fact, a degree of intelligence, and still more sensibility, in the features and conversation of one of the gentlemen, that made me regret the loss of his society during the rest of the journey; for he was compelled to travel post, by his desire to reach his estate before the arrival of the French.

This was a comfortable inn, as were several others I stopped at; but the heavy sandy roads were very fatiguing, after the fine ones we had lately skimmed over both in Sweden and Denmark. The country resembled the most open part of England—laid out for corn rather than grazing.  It was pleasant, yet there was little in the prospects to awaken curiosity, by displaying the peculiar characteristics of a new country, which had so frequently stole me from myself in Norway. We often passed over large unenclosed tracts, not graced with trees, or at least very sparingly enlivened by them, and the half-formed roads seemed to demand the landmarks, set up in the waste, to prevent the traveller from straying far out of his way, and plodding through the wearisome sand.

The heaths were dreary, and had none of the wild charms of those of Sweden and Norway to cheat time; neither the terrific rocks, nor smiling herbage grateful to the sight and scented from afar, made us forget their length. Still the country appeared much more populous, and the towns, if not the farmhouses, were superior to those of Norway. I even thought that the inhabitants of the former had more intelligence—at least, I am sure they had more vivacity in their countenances than I had seen during my northern tour: their senses seemed awake to business and pleasure.  I was therefore gratified by hearing once more the busy hum of industrious men in the day, and the exhilarating sounds of joy in the evening; for, as the weather was still fine, the women and children were amusing themselves at their doors, or walking under the trees, which in many places were planted in the streets; and as most of the towns of any note were situated on little bays or branches of the Baltic, their appearance as we approached was often very picturesque, and, when we entered, displayed the comfort and cleanliness of easy, if not the elegance of opulent, circumstances. But the cheerfulness of the people in the streets was particularly grateful to me, after having been depressed by the deathlike silence of those of Denmark, where every house made me think of a tomb. The dress of the peasantry is suited to the climate; in short, none of that poverty and dirt appeared, at the sight of which the heart sickens.

As I only stopped to change horses, take refreshment, and sleep, I had not an opportunity of knowing more of the country than conclusions which the information gathered by my eyes enabled me to draw, and that was sufficient to convince me that I should much rather have lived in some of the towns I now pass through than in any I had seen in Sweden or Denmark. The people struck me as having arrived at that period when the faculties will unfold themselves; in short; they look alive to improvement, neither congealed by indolence, nor bent down by wretchedness to servility.

From the previous impression—I scarcely can trace whence I received it—I was agreeably surprised to perceive such an appearance of comfort in this part of Germany.  I had formed a conception of the tyranny of the petty potentates that had thrown a gloomy veil over the face of the whole country in my imagination, that cleared away like the darkness of night before the sun as I saw the reality. I should probably have discovered much lurking misery, the consequence of ignorant oppression, no doubt, had I had time to inquire into particulars; but it did not stalk abroad and infect the surface over which my eye glanced. Yes, I am persuaded that a considerable degree of general knowledge pervades this country, for it is only from the exercise of the mind that the body acquires the activity from which I drew these inferences. Indeed, the King of Denmark’s German dominions—Holstein—appeared to me far superior to any other part of his kingdom which had fallen under my view; and the robust rustics to have their muscles braced, instead of the, as it were, lounge of the Danish peasantry.

Arriving at Sleswick, the residence of Prince Charles of Hesse-Cassel, the sight of the soldiers recalled all the unpleasing ideas of German despotism, which imperceptibly vanished as I advanced into the country. I viewed, with a mixture of pity and horror, these beings training to be sold to slaughter, or be slaughtered, and fell into reflections on an old opinion of mine, that it is the preservation of the species, not of individuals, which appears to be the design of the Deity throughout the whole of Nature. Blossoms come forth only to be blighted; fish lay their spawn where it will be devoured; and what a large portion of the human race are born merely to be swept prematurely away! Does not this waste of budding life emphatically assert that it is not men, but Man, whose preservation is so necessary to the completion of the grand plan of the universe? Children peep into existence, suffer, and die; men play like moths about a candle, and sink into the flame; war, and “the thousand ills which flesh is heir to,” mow them down in shoals; whilst the more cruel prejudices of society palsy existence, introducing not less sure though slower decay.

The castle was heavy and gloomy, yet the grounds about it were laid out with some taste; a walk, winding under the shade of lofty trees, led to a regularly built and animated town.

I crossed the drawbridge, and entered to see this shell of a court in miniature, mounting ponderous stairs—it would be a solecism to say a flight—up which a regiment of men might have marched, shouldering their firelocks to exercise in vast galleries, where all the generations of the Princes of Hesse-Cassel might have been mustered rank and file, though not the phantoms of all the wretched they had bartered to support their state, unless these airy substances could shrink and expand, like Milton’s devils, to suit the occasion.

The sight of the presence-chamber, and of the canopy to shade the fauteuil which aped a throne, made me smile.  All the world is a stage, thought I; and few are there in it who do not play the part they have learnt by rote; and those who do not, seem marks set up to be pelted at by fortune, or rather as sign-posts which point out the road to others, whilst forced to stand still themselves amidst the mud and dust.

Waiting for our horses, we were amused by observing the dress of the women, which was very grotesque and unwieldy. The false notion of beauty which prevails here as well as in Denmark, I should think very inconvenient in summer, as it consists in giving a rotundity to a certain part of the body, not the most slim, when Nature has done her part. This Dutch prejudice often leads them to toil under the weight of some ten or a dozen petticoats, which, with an enormous basket, literally speaking, as a bonnet, or a straw hat of dimensions equally gigantic, almost completely conceal the human form as well as face divine, often worth showing; still they looked clean, and tripped along, as it were, before the wind, with a weight of tackle that I could scarcely have lifted. Many of the country girls I met appeared to me pretty—that is, to have fine complexions, sparkling eyes, and a kind of arch, hoyden playfulness which distinguishes the village coquette. The swains, in their Sunday trim, attended some of these fair ones in a more slouching pace, though their dress was not so cumbersome. The women seem to take the lead in polishing the manners everywhere, this being the only way to better their condition.

From what I have seen throughout my journey, I do not think the situation of the poor in England is much, if at all, superior to that of the same class in different parts of the world; and in Ireland I am sure it is much inferior. I allude to the former state of England; for at present the accumulation of national wealth only increases the cares of the poor, and hardens the hearts of the rich, in spite of the highly extolled rage for almsgiving.

You know that I have always been an enemy to what is termed charity, because timid bigots, endeavouring thus to cover their sins, do violence to justice, till, acting the demigod, they forget that they are men. And there are others who do not even think of laying up a treasure in heaven, whose benevolence is merely tyranny in disguise; they assist the most worthless, because the most servile, and term them helpless only in proportion to their fawning.

After leaving Sleswick, we passed through several pretty towns; Itzehof particularly pleased me; and the country, still wearing the same aspect, was improved by the appearance of more trees and enclosures. But what gratified me most was the population. I was weary of travelling four or five hours, never meeting a carriage, and scarcely a peasant; and then to stop at such wretched huts as I had seen in Sweden was surely sufficient to chill any heart awake to sympathy, and throw a gloom over my favourite subject of contemplation, the future improvement of the world.

The farmhouses, likewise, with the huge stables, into which we drove whilst the horses were putting to or baiting, were very clean and commodious. The rooms, with a door into this hall-like stable and storehouse in one, were decent; and there was a compactness in the appearance of the whole family lying thus snugly together under the same roof that carried my fancy back to the primitive times, which probably never existed with such a golden lustre as the animated imagination lends when only able to seize the prominent features.

At one of them, a pretty young woman, with languishing eyes of celestial blue, conducted us into a very neat parlour, and observing how loosely and lightly my little girl was clad, began to pity her in the sweetest accents, regardless of the rosy down of health on her cheeks. This same damsel was dressed—it was Sunday—with taste and even coquetry, in a cotton jacket, ornamented with knots of blue ribbon, fancifully disposed to give life to her fine complexion. I loitered a little to admire her, for every gesture was graceful; and, amidst the other villagers, she looked like a garden lily suddenly rearing its head amongst grain and corn-flowers. As the house was small, I gave her a piece of money rather larger than it was my custom to give to the female waiters—for I could not prevail on her to sit down—which she received with a smile; yet took care to give it, in my presence, to a girl who had brought the child a slice of bread; by which I perceived that she was the mistress or daughter of the house, and without doubt the belle of the village. There was, in short, an appearance of cheerful industry, and of that degree of comfort which shut out misery, in all the little hamlets as I approached Hamburg, which agreeably surprised me.

The short jackets which the women wear here, as well as in France, are not only more becoming to the person, but much better calculated for women who have rustic or household employments than the long gowns worn in England, dangling in the dirt.

All the inns on the road were better than I expected, though the softness of the beds still harassed me, and prevented my finding the rest I was frequently in want of, to enable me to bear the fatigue of the next day. The charges were moderate, and the people very civil, with a certain honest hilarity and independent spirit in their manner, which almost made me forget that they were innkeepers, a set of men—waiters, hostesses, chambermaids, etc., down to the ostler, whose cunning servility in England I think particularly disgusting.

The prospect of Hamburg at a distance, as well as the fine road shaded with trees, led me to expect to see a much pleasanter city than I found.

I was aware of the difficulty of obtaining lodgings, even at the inns, on account of the concourse of strangers at present resorting to such a centrical situation, and determined to go to Altona the next day to seek for an abode, wanting now only rest. But even for a single night we were sent from house to house, and found at last a vacant room to sleep in, which I should have turned from with disgust had there been a choice.

I scarcely know anything that produces more disagreeable sensations, I mean to speak of the passing cares, the recollection of which afterwards enlivens our enjoyments, than those excited by little disasters of this kind. After a long journey, with our eyes directed to some particular spot, to arrive and find nothing as it should be is vexatious, and sinks the agitated spirits. But I, who received the cruellest of disappointments last spring in returning to my home, term such as these emphatically passing cares. Know you of what materials some hearts are made? I play the child, and weep at the recollection—for the grief is still fresh that stunned as well as wounded me—yet never did drops of anguish like these bedew the cheeks of infantine innocence—and why should they mine, that never was stained by a blush of guilt? Innocent and credulous as a child, why have I not the same happy thoughtlessness?  

Adieu!

(Letters written during ...) 1796?

28 december 2017

Nogle Efterretninger om Negerslaverne paa Guinea, og om deres Tilstand paa Europæernes americanske Colonier. (Efterskrift til Politivennen)

Artikler fra Borger-vennen om slavehandlen og slaveriet i de danske kolonier i Afrika og Vestindien.


Borger-Vennen No. 27. Fierde Aargang. Fredagen den 2. Martii 1792, s. 207-212.


Nogle Efterretninger om Negerslaverne paa Guinea, og om deres Tilstand paa Europæernes americanske Colonier
(oversat)

Naar skal dog den Tid komme, da Menneskene alle vil blive menneskelige, og atter knytte de hellige Broderkierligheds Baand, som Ærgerrighed og Vindesyge har sønderrevet?

Det veed ingen uden Du, algode og alvise Verdens Styrer! Du, som efter Din uudgrandskelige Raadslutning har sat et Maal for alle Ting, og tillader det Onde, for at lade det Gode udspringe deraf. Os sømmer det, at vente - og at tie.

Med dette Suk saae jeg ofte til Himlen, da jeg læste nogle nyere Efterretninger om Europæernes endnu vedvarende umenneskelige Omgang med vore sorte Brødre, som ere bragte under deres grusomme Herredømme. Det er skrækkeligt, og overstiger næsten al Troværdighed, hvad de Reisende i deres Dagbøger endnu stedse eenstemmig berette derom.

Jeg vil fortælle mine Læsere noget deraf, og vi ville med Gysen faae at see, hvorledes Mennesket, denne af Naturen saa milde og kierlige Skabning, efterhaanden kan blive liigt med det grusomste Dyr, naar det ikke fra Ungdommen op omhyggelig bliver bevaret for, at ingen haarde, ukierlige, og ubarmhiertige Tilbøieligheder indsnige sig i ders Hierte.

Her er et Udtog af de nyeste Efterretninger, om den umenneskelige Slavehandel paa Kysten af Guinea, og om de arme sorte Slavers Tilstand i Europæernes americanske Colonier.

Nogle Menneskers Eiendoms-Ret over andre er i Guinea almindelig indført; dog med den Indskrænkning, at ingen tør sælge sine Livegne, naar de ikke enten som Krigsfanger ere komne i hans Magt, eller ere forærede ham af en anden Eiermand, til Giengield for en eller anden tilføiet Forurettelse.

Denne Lov synes at være bestemt til Best for den, der er født Slave, paa det han kan blive i sin Familie og i sit Fædreland; men den bliver paa mangfoldige Maader ved List giort frugtesløs. De Eiere, som har Lyst at sælge deres Slaver til Europæerne, giøre Aftale med hinanden, opdigte en eller anden Stridighed, som de foregive at være opkomne imellem dem, føre paa Skrømt en lille Krig med hinanden, i hvilken den ene lader sine Slaver giøre til Krigsfanger af den anden; eller og man slutter en Fred, hvorved den ene til Giengield for den opdigtede Uret, afstaaer den anden et vist Antal Slaver, og med disse kan da den anden giøre hvad han vil.

De smaae Konger i Guinea føre af den samme afskyelige Aarsag næsten bestandig Krig med hinanden; og alle de Folk, den ene tager til Fange fra den anden, sælger han til Slaver. I en vis Frastand fra Kysterne opholde sig Herrer, der lade Fange og bortføre alle dem, de kan faae fat paa.

Man kaster Børnene i Sække, binder Mændene og Qvinderne en Knøvl for Munden, for at hindre deres Skrig. Blive disse Røvere selv fangede af andre, og den, der har udsendt dem, bliver krævet til Regnskab, saa fragaaer han, at det er skeet efter hans Befaling, og til Beviis, at det er Sandhed, han fremfører, lader han dem selv, som han har udsendt til at røve Mennesker, bringe til Skibene for at sælges.

Denne afskyelige Skik, at handle med Mennesker, blev først almindelig paa Kysterne, siden har den efterhaanden udbredt sig til nogle hundrede Mile længer ind i Landet. Transporten derfra til Skibene, paa hvilke disse Ulykkelige blive bortførte, skeer paa følgende Maade.

Slavehandlerne slaae sig sammen i Selskaber, for at udgiøre en eneste stor Caravane. Enhver Slave er forsynet med saa meget Vand og Føde, som han behøver til sit Ophold i de tørre Sandørkner, man skal giennemreise. Men for at hindre dem fra, at løbe børt, har man udtænkt følgende sindrige Grusomhed. 

Man stikker hver Slaves Hals i en Træfork, der er otte til ni fod lang. Denne fork bliver bag til lukket med et ombøiet Jernsøm, saa at Hovedet ikke kan slippe igiennem. Skaftet af Forken, der er af meget tungt Træ, hænger ned foran dem, og hindrer den Fangne saaledes, at han hverken kan gaae eller opløfte Forken.

Naar man nu vil tiltræde reisen, saa blive alle Slaverne stillede i en Linie bag ved hinanden. Derpaa binder man Skaftet af hver Fork fast til Formandens Skulder, og saaledes fra en til anden, indtil den Første, hvis Fork bliver baaret ved en af Anførerne. Paa denne Maade bliver det umueligt for nogen, at sættes sig i Frihed ved Flugten.

Ethvert medlidende Hierte maa gyse ved Forestillingen, at saa mange tusinde Mennesker blive aarligen paa denne Maade bragte i det grusomste Slaverie. I Aaret 1768 gik der i alt over 100,000 Slaver fra Africa. Deraf kiøbte
Englænderne for deres Øer ...... 53,100.
Deres Colonister i Nord-America 6,300.
Franskmændene....................... 23,500.
Hollænderne ............................ 11,300.
Portugiserne .............................  8,700.
De Danske ...............................  1,200.

Det udgiør i alt .......................104,100.

Som oftest døer en stor Deel af disse Ulykkelige alt paa Overfarten til America, fordi de blive sammenpakkede paa Skibene, i snævre Rum, ligesom Qvæg, man fører hen at sælges. Hvert Aar bliver vel ikke fuldkommen saa mange udført; men overhovedet kan man dog ansætte det aarlige Antal i det mindste til 60,000. For hver Slave betaler man i Guinea 79 Rdlr. Africa faaer altsaa aarlig ved dette Menneskesalg 4,840,000 Rdlr.

Intet er afskyeligere end den Levemaade, hvortil disse stakkels Sorte ere fordømte i America. Deres Vaaninger bestaaer i snevre, ubeqvemme og usunde Hytter. Deres Leie er et Knippe Vidieqviste, der snarere maae pine deres Legeme end skaffe dt Hvile. Nogle Leerkar, nogle Træbrikker udgiøre deres hele Huusgeraad. Nogle Lapper af grovt Linned, der bedække en Deel af deres Nøgenhed, beskytter dem hverken for Dagens utaaligelige Hede, eller for Nattens farlige Kiølighed. de nyde samme Spise som de urenenste Dyr; ja de faae neppe saa meget deraf, at de dermed kunde kummerlig opholde deres elendige Liv.

Ikke nok, at den ulykkelige Neger maae lide Mangel paa Alting; i et brændende hedt Klima er han fordømt til uophørligt Arbeide under ufølsomme Driveres Pidsk. Efter Solens nedgang hviler alle Dyrene ud fra deres Sløb; kun det ulykkelige sorte Menneske giør sig forgieves Regning derpaa, hans Arbeide bliver kun forandret. Ved Nattens Indbrud maae han forrette mindre Arbeider, hvorved hans Taalmodighed gandske udtrættes, efterat Dagens Byrde alt har udtømmet alle hans Kræfter. *)

De Colonister, der eier meget Land, giver dem gierne et Stykke Jord, hvoraf de selv maae stræbe at forskaffe sig noget til Livs Ophold. Men til at passe det, under man dem paa mange Steder kun en Deel af Søndagen, og de faa Øieblikke, de paa de andre Dage kunne afbryde fra deres Spisetid. I andre Egne tilstaaer man dem en anden Dag, for enten ved Arbeid eller ved Plyndring i de omliggende Vaaningssteder at forskaffe sig saa meget, som de behøve Ugen igiennem til deres Underholdning.

For at retfærdiggiøre disse Grusomheder, har de Hvide udbredet den Fordom, at de Sorte ikke vare som andre Mennesker, at man ved fornuftige Forestillinger intet udrettede hos dem; at de hverken havde Følelse for Godhed eller Venskab; at man altsaa maatte behandle dem som Umælende. Men hvor usandfærdigt dette er, bevise de iblandt dem, der ere saa lykkelige, at have fornuftige Herrer, som omgaaes menneskelig med dem. disse give hyppigen de beundringsværdigste Prøver paa deres Troskab og Kierlighed. Jeg vil anføre nogle deraf.

Hvor ædelt handlede ikke hiin Negerinde, da hendes Herres Huus styrtede ind ved et Jordskiælv. De, som vare i Huset, mærkede Faren tidlig nok, til at kunde springe ud, inden det styrtede fuldkommen. Ogsaa Negerinden kunde have reddet sig paa denne Maade, men da maatte hendes Herres Barn, som hun var Amme til, været blevet tilbage. Men dette var hende umueligt. Denne ædle Kone vilde heller opofre sit eget liv, end lade hendes Fosterbarns Liv blive i Fare. Hun bedækkede derfor Barnet med sit Legeme, og afbødede med utroligt Mod alle de nedfaldende Stykker af Huset. Barnet blev reddet; men hun selv blev nogle Dage efter et offer for sit ædelmodige Hierte.

(Fortsættelsen følger).

*) Til Ære for vore Landsmænd maa her anmærkes, at de Sorte paa de danske Eiendomme, saavel i Henseende til deres Hviletimer som i Henseende til Føden, have bedre Kaar end paa nogen anden Colonie; dette bevidne blandt andre Hr. Rector West, i hans Efterretninger om St. Croix, som findes i Maanedskr. Iris for Aaret 1791.

Oversætt. Anm.


Borger-Vennen nr. 28Fierde Aargang. Fredagen den 9. Martii 1792, s. 215-220:


Fortsættelse af 
Nogle Efterretninger om Negerslaverne paa Guinea, og om deres Tilstand paa Europæernes americanske Colonier
(oversat)
(See forrige Nummer)

Hvor standhaftig elskede ikke hiin unge Neger sin Herre! Han saae ham, at blive, paa Gouverneurens Befaling, bragt ombord som en Fange. Det var forbudet alle hans Betientere at følge med ham. Hvad giorde nu den troe unge Slave? Han lod sig indsye i en Matrasse, og bedrog Vagtens Opmærksomhed, ved saaledes at lade sig bringe ombord paa Skibet, ligesom det var en Pakke.

Et engelsk Fartøi, der i Aaret 1752 handlede paa Guinea, blev nødt til at lade sin Saarlæge blive der tilbage, siden han for sin slette Helbreds Skyld ikke kunde taale Søen. Murray heed denne Mand. Medens han opholdt sig der i landet, kom et hollandsk Skib til den samme Kyst. Hollænderne tillode sig den Uretfærdighed, at bemægtige sig nogle Sorte, der var gaaet ombord til dem, lagde dem i Lænker, og skyndte sig derpaa bort med deres Bytte, det hastigste de kunde.

Forbitrede over denne grusomme Uretfærdighed, løb de bortstiaalnes Slægtninge og Venner hen til Murrays Vert, for at giengielde Grusomhed med Grusomhed. "Hvad vil I have;" spurgte Verten, id et han holdt dem tilbage ved Indgangen til sit Huus - "Den hvide, der er hos Dig, skrege de; han maae miste Livet, this hans Brødre har ranet vore Brødre!" Men den ædelmodige Vert svarede:

"De Europæer, der har slæbet vore Medborgere bort, ere Barbarer; dræber dem, naar I finde dem. Men den, der boer hos mig, er et godt Menneske; han er min Ven; mit Huus er hans Kastel; jeg er ingen Soldat, men jeg vil forsvare ham. Førend I kan naae ham, maae I træde over mit døde Legeme. O! mine Venner! hvilken retskaffen Mand vilde vel tage ind hos mig, naar jeg taalte, at min Vaaning blev besmittet med den Uskyldiges Blod?"

Disse ord stillede de Sortes Vrede; de gik, skamfulde over den hensigt, hvori de vare komne, og nogle Dage efter bevidnede de Murray selv, hvor kiert det var dem, at de vare blevne hindrede fra at fuldføre en Forbrydelse, der ville have foraarsaget dem stedsevarende Samvittigheds-Nag.

Kun endnu eet Exempel af dette Slags, og som iblandt alle fortiener den største Beundring. En portugisisk Slave, der havde reddet sig af Slaveriet, og var flygtet til Skovene, erfarede, at hans forrige Herre var sat fast, og skulde straffes paa Livet for et Mord, man beskyldte ham for. Pludselig opvaagnede Følelser af den ædelmodigste Kierlighed hos ham, og opflammede hans Hierte med usædvanlig Heltemod. Han løb tilbage til det Sted, hvor hans Herre sad fangen; her traadde han frem for Retten, og anklagede sig selv for den Forbrydelse, for hvilken hans Herre var lagt i Lænker. Hans sindrige Ædelmodighed vidste at giøre Sagen saa sandsynlig, at man troede ham, lod hans Herre løs, og førte ham selv til Døden.

Naar vi Europæer og Christne undertiden ikke faae det her i Verden som vi ønske det, med hvilke Klager og Bebreidelser bestorme vi da ofte Himlen! Den ulykkelige og beskedne Neger derimod lader den guddommelige Bestyrelse vederfares mere ret, og tilregner sig selv Skylden for sine Lidelser. Han troer i sin Enfoldighed, at Gud havde i Begyndelsen skabt de Sorte og de Hvide med lige Fortrin, eller om han havde givet en af begge Arterne noget forud for den anden, saa havde det været de Sorte. Gud havde derpaa viist dem to forskiellige Arter af Lyksalighed - paa den ene Side Guld, paa den anden Kunster og Videnskaber. De Sorte havde valgt Guldet; og til Straf for deres Gierrighed vare de derpaa blevne fordømte til, evig at være de Hvides Slaver.

Desuagtet synke de ofte under Byrden af deres elendigheder. Af Længsel efter deres Fædreneland, og af Fortvivlelse over deres ynkværdige Tilstand, falde de ofte i en dyb og stum Tungsindighed. Det Middel de da gribe til, er enten at hænge sig, eller og at æde Jord, Kalk, Aske og andre Ureenligheder, hvoraf følger, at de omsider bekomme en ulægelig Vandsot, og døe. Derhos sætte de deres hele Liid til, at de efter Døden skal komme tilbage til deres Fædreneland, og see Forældre, Slægt og Venner igien. Er det først kommen saavidt med dem, saa er hverken Mildhed eller Trudsler og Straffe i Stand til, at bringe dem fra deres Forsæt, at døe. Den Tanke, at de skal faae deres Venner igien at see, er stærkere end alle modsatte Bevæggrunde.

En engelsk Major Crips, paa Øen St. Christoph, faldt paa en besynderlig Cuur for denne Hiemmesyge, og som ikke kunde udtænkes mere passende. Næsten alle hans Slaver vare angrebne deraf; daglig hængte sig nogle af dem, i Haab om at leve op igien i deres Fædreneland; og til Slutningen fattede de alle den eendrægtige Beslutning, i en bestemt Nat at flygte til Skovene, og der at hænge sig i Selskab, for paa engang at samles igien hos deres Fædre og Paarørende.

Majoren fik dette at vide; han lod strax en Mængde Kiedler og andre Kar, som hørde til et Sukkersyderie, pakke paa Vogne og Karrer, og iilte hen til den Plads, hvor hans Negre just belavede sig til at reise ind i den anden Verden. Han nærmede sig til dem med en Strikke in Haanden, bad dem gandske rolig, ikke at lade sig forstyrre; sagde dem, han havde besluttet, at følge med dem, siden han havde kiøbt en Sukkerplantage i deres Fædreland, hvor han meget bedre kunde bruge dem, end deres Landsmænd, der endnu ikke vare vante til slige Arbeider. Naar de saa vare ankomne der, hvor de slet intet Haab havde til mere at undflye, saa vilde han lade dem arbeide Dag og Nat, uden at give den en eneste Hviledag. Desforuden skulde han nok, naar de kom derhen, vide at hævne sig paa dem for deres strafværdige Forsæt, at forlade ham, ved at paalægge dem større Besværligheder og Plager. Hans Opsynsmænd, som han havde sendt i Forveien, havde alt bemægtiget sig alle dem, der vare undvigte, og lod dem indtil hans Ankomst arbeide med Lænker om Benene. 

Den rolige Mine, hvormed Majoren talede, de ankommende Vogne med Kiedler og Kar, tillod Negerne ikke den ringeste Tvivl. De begyndte først at tale hemmelig med hinanden, kastede sig endelig for Majorens Fødder, og lovede paa det helligste, aldrig mere at tænke paa, at vende tilbage i deres Fædreneland.

Han gjorde i Begyndelsen Vanskeligheder, men lod sig dog endelig ved sine hvide Betientere overtale til, igien at tage dem til Naade; dog under den Betingelse, at dersom en eneste fik i Sinde at hænge sig, vilde han sende alle de øvrige samme Vei, for at straffe dem ved haardere Arbeider i hans Sukkerplantager i deres Fædreland. Efter den Tid faldt det ingen af dem nogensinde ind, ved Selvmord at ville komme til sine forrige Venner igien.

En anden Indvaaner paa samme Ø brugte et lignende Kunstgreb, der gjorde ligesaa god Virkning. Han lod nemlig hugge Hoved og Hænder af alle dem, der havde hængt sig, kom dem i et Jernbuur, og lod dem ophænge i et Træ, nær ved sit Huus, til Skue for de øvrige Negre. De kunde, sagde han til dem, hænge sig saa tidt og saa meget de vilde; men han skulde dog mage det saaledes, at de evig skulde komme til at gaae omkring i deres Fædreland uden Hoved og Hænder.

Negerne tvivlede imidlertid slet ikke paa, at jo de Afdøde vilde komme og hente deres Hoved og Hænder; thi de troede, at Sielene efter Døden tog ders jordede Legemer op af Graven, og bragte det med sig til deres Fædreland. Men de bleve ikke lidet forundret, da de saae, at de afhugne Hoveder og Hænder bleve ved at ligge paa samme Sted; og holdt nu op at hænge sig, af Frygt for at komme til deres Landsmænd som Krøblinger.


Behøves der mere, end at læse den ynkelige Historie om disse ulykkelige Africaneres Gienvordigheder, for at blive overbeviist, at der forestaaer et andet Liv, hvori Guds evige Retfærdighed vil forvandle Uskyldigheds Taarer til Fryd, og kræve Undertrykkeren frem til velfortient Straf? -

Dog, Gud skee Lov! Den Tid synes at nærme sig, da vore sorte Brødre skulle, om ikke gandske befries fra Slaveriet, dog i det mindste nyde en Lettelse i deres Tilstand. Alt er der gjort en lykkelig Begyndelse hertil; og hvad kan man ikke vente af vore tiders milde Tænkemaade, da man alt mere og mere lærer at kiende og ære Menneskenes uforkrænkelige Rettigheder. *)

') Og hvilket glad Haab maae især opfylde ethvert følende dansk Hierte, ser seer, at vor gode Fyrste giør ogsaa denne Sag til Gienstand for sin veldædige Omhue, og har udnævnt Mænd, af hvis Tænkemaade og Duelighed man kan vente saa meget, til at undersøge de Sortes Tilstand paa de danske Eilande i Vestindien!


Oversætt. Anmk.

(Fortsættelsen følger)

Borger-Vennen No. 29. Fierde Aargang. Fredagen den 16. Martii 1792, s. 225-228: 


Slutning af 
Nogle Efterretninger om Negerslaverne paa Guinea, og om deres Tilstand paa Europæernes americanske Colonier
(oversat)
(See forrige Nummer)

I Nord-Amerika ligger, som bekiendt er, et Landskab, der hedder Pensylvanien. Dette Land er, under Anførsel af en Mand, ved Navn Pen, bleven bebygget ved et Selskab af Christne, der fornemmelig udmærke sig fra andre derved, at de leve mellem hinanden som virkelige Brødre, søge at skye al Pragt og Yppighed, og beflitte sig paa streng Retskaffenhed og Fromhed. Man har givet disse Folk Navn af Qvækere, det betyder Skiælvere, og det af følgende Aarsag.

De have ingen egentlige Geistlige eller Præster iblandt sig, men enhver af dem, enten det er et Mandfolk eller Fruentimmer, har Ret til at træde frem i deres Forsamlinger, og tale over det, der synes at være vigtig for Menigheden. De har derhos den Troe, at Gud selv hver Gang indgiver dem det, de skal foredrage. Denne Troe og den Iver for det Gode, der driver dem, opvarmer deres Hierter i saadan Grad, at de ofte under Talen skielve over hele Legemet.

Nu fremstod for nogle Aar siden en Mand i denne Qvækerforsamling, og begyndte, som om han var virkelig begeistret, paa følgende Maade at tale:

"Hvorlænge, mine Brødre, ville vi beholde to Samvittigheder, dobbelt Maal, dobbelt Vægt, den ene for vores Fordel, den anden for vor Næstes Elendighed, og som begge ere lige falske? Tilkommer det os - siger, mine Brødre! tilkommer det os i dette Øieblik at klage, fordi det engelske Parlament vil bringe os under Aaget, vil paalægge os Slavelænker *), medens vi selv i meer end et Aarhundrede har udøvet, og endnu udøve, et tyrannisk Herredømme, ved at holde Mennesker, der ere vore Lige, vore Brødre, i de haardeste Slavelænker?"

"Naturen satte et frygteligt Skillerum - det umaalelige Verdens Hav - mellem os og disse Ulykkelige; hvad have de giort os, at vor Gierrighed skulde opsøge ham i deres brændende Sandørkener, og hente dem hid fra deres Skove blandt Tigrene? Hvad var deres Forbrydelse, at de skulde drages bort fra et Land, hvor Natuen selv tilbød dem sine Skatte, for siden ved os at henflyttes til en anden Himmelegn, hvor de maae døe under Trældommens tungeste Arbeider?"

"Hvilken Familie har Du da skabt, himmelske Fader, hvor de Ældste først have ranet deres yngre Brødres Eiendomme, og siden endog med Svøben i Haanden ville tvinge dem til, med deres Aarers Blod, med deres Ansigts Sveed, at giøde den Arvedeel, man har berøvet dem?"

"Ynkværdige Slægt, som vi fornedre til Lighed med Qvæget, for at tyrannisere derover; hos hvilket vi qvæle enhver Evne i Sielen, for at nedtrykke dets Legeme ved Byrder; hos hvilket vi giøre Guddommens Billede og Menneskelighedens Stempel ukiendeligt! En Slægt, hvis Siels og Legems-Evner, hvis hele Væsen er forsvækket!"

"Og vi ere Christne? Og vi ere Englændere? Et Folk, som Himlen har betegnet med sin Yndest, og giort frygtet til Søes! Hvorledes vil Du være fri og Tyran paa engang?"

"Nei, mine Brødre! det er Tid, at vi arbeide forenede sammen; lader os frigive disse ulykkelige offre for vort Stolthed og vor Vindesyge; lader os skiænke Negerne den Frihed, som det ene Menneske aldrig uforskyldt burde berøve det andet."

"Maatte dog alle christelige Selskaber, efter vort Exempel, lære at erstatte en Uret, som igiennem tvende Aarhundreder har ved Ran og Forbrydelser været indgroet! maatte endelig disse saalænge fornedrede Mennesker engang opløfte deres fra Lænker befriede Hænder, og ders med Taknemmeligheds Taarer opfyldte Øine mod Himlen! Ak! disse Ulykkelige have hidindtil ikke kiendt andre end Fortvivlelsens Taarer!"

Saa talte den vakre Qvæker: og hvad blev Virkningen? Hans Brødres Samvittighed vaagnede, og i hele Pensylvanien bleve alle Slaver erklærede for fri. Held den menneskeven, hvis Stemme vækkede hans Brødres Følelse, og Held det fromme Broderskab, der kun behøvede at erindres om sin Pligt, for strax at bringe den i Opfyldelse!

Intet godt Exempel bliver spildt. Det er et Sædekorn, der udstrøes, og som vist, om ikke strax, dog engang vil bære tusindfold Frugt.

Ja! Man har alt seet en nyttig Følge af Qvækernes menneskekierlige Daad. Dronningen af Portugal skal have givet en Forordning for alle hendes udenrigske Besiddelser, at Slavernes Børn, der hidindtil ogsaa vare Slaver, skulde erklæres for frie.

Altsaa igien en Uretfærdighed mindre i Verden! O lader os glæde os ved ethvert Skridt, som leder Mennesket nærmere til sin sande Bestemmelse, og sin sande Lyksalighed; og lader os nedbede Forsynets Velsignelse over ethvert Foretagende, som sigter til at giøre de Lidendes Antal mindre, at tale den Forurettedes Sag, og at udbede Held og Fryd mellem vore Lige.

M. F. L-g.

*) Det var just i Begyndelsen af de Stridigheder mellem England og dets amerikanske Colonier, hvoraf disses Frihed og Uafhængighed omsider blev en Følge.

Yderligere artikelserier:

Om Slaveriet
Oversættelse.
Le Joug de l'esclavage est brifé, lorsque les princes se font hommes & les ministres citoyens.
Hist. de la revolution de 1789 *)

Borger-Vennen. No. 19. Ottende Aargang. Fredagen den 6. April 1796, s. 146-152. 
Borger-Vennen. No. 20. Ottende Aargang. Fredagen den 13. Mai 1796, s. 153-160. 
Borger-Vennen. No. 21. Ottende Aargang. Fredagen den 20. Mai 1796, s. 161-168. 
Borger-Vennen. No. 22. Ottende Aargang. Fredagen den 27. Mai 1796, s. 169-176.
Borger-Vennen. No. 23. Ottende Aargang. Fredagen den 3. Junii 1796, s. 177-184. 
Borger-Vennen. No. 24. Ottende Aargang. Fredagen den 10. Junii 1796, s. 149-154. 

Bidrag til de afrikanske Negeres Karakteristik.
Borger-Vennen. No. 42. Sextende Aargang. Løverdagen den 20de October 1804, s. 329-336.
Borger-Vennen. No. 43Sextende Aargang. Løverdagen den 27de October 1804, s. 337-344.
Borger-Vennen. No. 44Sextende Aargang. Løverdagen den 3die November 1804, s. 345-352.
Borger-Vennen. No. 45Sextende Aargang. Løverdagen den 10de November 1804, s. 353-360.
Borger-Vennen. No. 46Sextende Aargang. Løverdagen den 17de November 1804, s. 362-365.

26 december 2017

Frederik Svane Africanus (1710-1788?). (Efterskrift til Politivennen)

Den danske soldat Hendrik Petersen var i Christiansborg, Guineakysten, Ghana der fungerede for den danske slavehandel 1661-1850. Han kom dertil i 1708 - 21 år gammel - fra Ballum (Sønderjylland), fordi han som 18-årig havde underskrevet en 10 årige kontrakt. Her blev han gift med en 16 årig lokal pige fra landsbyen Teshi. Han kaldte hende Margrethe og de fik sønnen Frederik Petersen i 1710. 

Hendrik døde få år efter, og Frederik blev opdraget af sin afrikanske familie. 10 år gammel blev han barnesoldat ved fortet og gik på fortets skole for mulatbørn. Han blev senere adopteret af pastor Elias Svane under navnet Frederik Petersen Svane. Begge rejste til København 1726, hvor Frederik blev døbt med Frederik IV som gudfar. Direktøren for det selskab som ejede The West Indian-Guinean Company finansierede Frederiks uddannelse til universitetsniveau (teologi). Han antog her det latinske navn Fredericus Petri Svane Africanus.

Universitetstiden forløb ikke uden problemer og han tilsluttede sig den pietistiske bevægelse i København, hvilket forværrede hans forbindelser med det lutherske universitets myndigheder.

Han giftede sig med en dansk kvinde, Catharina Maria Badsch, og sammen flygtede de til Guineakysten. Han blev her ramt af adskillige sygdomme. Fattig opgav han den kristne mission og arbejdede i stedet på fortet. Bl.a. med at købe og sælge slaver. Sønnen var blevet sendt tilbage til Danmark. Fredericus blev arresteret, anklaget for forræder og fik 6 måneders fængsel i "det sorte hul" under Christiansborg på vand og brød. 

Midt i en revolte blev han løsladt og sendt tilbage til Danmark. Her kontaktede han den person som havde finansieret hans uddannelse, grev Carl A. von Plessen som også kontaktede Frederik V. De besluttede at selvom han ikke kunne arbejde som præst, kunne han virke som degn. Året efter 1. juni 1748 fik han arbejde som degn i Havrebjerg. Han ragede uklar med pastor Gunther og flere af menighedsmedlemmerne. Bl.a. fordi man gjorde grin med ham. Han døde som tandløs, døv og blind tigger i 1789. (Kilde: Christiana Oware Knudsen: The theologian slave trader. 2010)


Samt at Frederik Svane Africanus (1710-1788), også kaldet "Den sorte degn" og "Den sorte Svane" fordi han var født på Guineakysten i Afrika af en ukendt afrikansk kvinde som havde haft seksuelt samkvem med en dansk soldat (Henrik Pedersen). Efternavnet Svane stammede fra hans adoptivfar, præsten Elias Svane (1691-1761). Frederik IV var blevet nysgerrig efter at se hvordan det gik sådanne hedninge når de blev kristnet, så han fik gelejdet Frederik til Danmark hvor kongen himself overværede dåben som fadder. En ting var at Frederik blev døbt, en anden at han tillod sig at gifte sig med en snedkerdatter fra Slagelse, Cathrine Marine Badsch. Det var helt uhørt, men så tog de da bare til Afrika hvor Frederik en årrække var degn og skriver på Guldkysten. Cathrine blev så voldsomt chikaneret af de kristne danskere, at hun så sig nødsaget til at vende tilbage til Danmark. Så Frederik måtte finde en ny kone, denne gang i bedste hedensk stil en afrikansk. Men de kristne danskere kunne stadig ikke lade ham i fred, han endte i fængsel, og rejste så tilbage til Danmark, genfandt sin Cathrine og blev i 1749 degn og skoleholder i Havrebjerg i hele 34 år! Han talte dansk og latin og klarede sig tilsyneladende nu fint, hans navn er endda indhugget i en af kirkestolene. Om han blev mæt af dage, vides ikke. Men han døde i hver fald i 1788. Og senere underviste Klaus Rifbjergs far i skolen hvor hans farfar var lærer.

(Slagelsearkiverne)


Degnen Frederik Pedersen Svane Africanus, der blev aflønnet af Godset, [skaffede] Holberg Bryderier; han vilde ikke nøjes med den aftalte Sum og klagede til Kancelliet. For Resten laa Præsten og Degnen i indbyrdes Strid (Bjørn Kornerup, i Holberg Blandinger, 1939, s. 28 ff.)

(Memoirer af Ludvig Holberg. F. J. Billeskov Jansen)

Ludvig Holberg begyndte i 1740 at anbringe sine penge i jord, først i Aarsløv By ved Slagelse, senere herregården Brorup og Orebo Gård og en del bøndergods i Havrebjerg og Blæsing. I 1747 Tersløse Gård og Ødemark. 

Havrebjerg Kirke i Slagelse Kommune. Muren nord for kirken anses for at være middelalderlig, mens den viste mur er nyere, sandsynligvis forhøjet. På Africanus' tid var kirken formentlig hvidkalket, idet de omkring 1864 blev afrenset. Foto Erik Nicolaisen Høy.

Degnen endelig, en mærkelig Skikkelse, Frederik Svane, siden, som en anden Scipio, kaldet med Tilnavnet Africanus (Søn af en dansk Soldat og en sort Moder), der endte sine Dage som Sognedegn i Havrebjerg og Gudom paa Sjælland, har i 1748 skildret 10 Aars Begivenheder paa Guinea i en Erklæring til Direktionen. Denne indeholder saa meget om Forholdene i Kolonien i en bevæget Tid, hvor der var lige saa mange Guvernementer som Aar, og dens Sprog og Betragtninger ere saa karakteristiske baade for en Datids Degn i Almindelighed og ham i Særdeleshed, at jeg har paatænkt og tildels forberedt en Udgivelse deraf. Han kom ud til Guinea netop paa samme Skib som Schielderup efter at have taget sin Studentereksamen i Kjøbenhavn, boede i samme Fort som denne og har altsaa kendt ham personlig. Hans Amen lyder - for at blive i Lignelsen - saaledes:

Velbemeldte salig Mand Hr. Schielderup, bekender ieg, var saa brav en Mand, at hans Nafn og Ære staaer, saa længe i Guinea er Accra 2). Hand begyndte strax ved hans første Antrit og Ankomst til Gouvernementet at give et herligt Haab om hans lycksalige Regimente formedelst de besynderlige klare Straaler, hand gav fra sig paa Dyd og Gudsfrygt, retsindige Nidkiærhed for det Høylovlige Compagnie og gudelige For- og Omsorg for det gemeene Bæste i Compagniets Tieneste, fra dend øverste til dend nederste. Til dend hans Hierte besiddende Gudsfrygts clare og kiendelige Kiendetegn udviiste hans Velbyrdighed sooelklare Prøver deri, at hand strax iværksatte først og fornemmeligst dend befundne Uorden paa Fortet Christiansborg ved forrige Uvæsens Afskaffelse og Altings efter en christelig Skick og Ordens Indrættelse, baade til ønskelig Fordeel og Lykke for Compagniet, saavelsom fælles Velfærd for alle Betienterne, som til Beviisning og Zirat for dend sande Christendom, og det især ved de sorte hedenske Qvinders Afskaffelse paa Fortet, [ved] Løsagtighed og Utugt, Druchenskab og Fylderie at hæmme og tæmme, god Skik og Disciplin at holde, Ræt og Rætfærdighed at administrere [og et] christelig Liv og Levnet at føre iblant alle Betienterne, hvilcken herlige og christelige Foranstaltning og Reformation iche andet kunde end drage Guds Velsignelse med sig, som ogsaa klarlig lod sig see i ald hans Tiid. Hand satte Negotien i saadan Floor og Velstand baade til Land og Vand, at der efter alles Bekiendelse i hans Tiid var saadan en daglig og idelig Negotie, som aldrig derefter haver været, saa at der var lutter Herrens Velsignelse i alt det, hand tog sig for. Men hans Velbyrdigheds Leve-Tiid var, desværre! kun saa kort, nemlig fra dend 12 Aug: Ano 1735 til 20 Junij 1736, saa hans Velbyrdighed regierede [kun] 10 Maaneder og 8 Dage til største Skade for det Høylovlige Compagnie og uafladelige Klage for det gandske Land og Fort, blant Sorte og Blanche."

1) Koloniens Tilstand under Wærø.

2) Accra hed det Land, hvori Fortet Christiansborg laa.

(Personalhistorisk tidsskrift, Bind 4; Bind 16; 1895)


Degnen i Havrebjerg.

Fortælling af Anders J. Eriksholm.

Det var en Dag i December 1755.

Hen over Bymarkerne ved Havrebjerg nær Slagelse kom gaaende to Mænd med Bøsse i Haanden

De traadte tungt i den vaade, opblødte Jord, og deres Fedtelædersstøvler var stænkede til af leret Ælte til langt op paa Skafterne.

"Det er det, jeg altid har sagt, Mester Africanus," sagde den ene af Mændene. "I er en velstuderet Mand, og I burde have været Præst fremfor Hr. Joachim."

"For Studeringens Skyld kunde jeg vel have faaet Præstekald." svarede den anden, der blev nævnt Mester Africanus. "Jeg har dyrket min Theologico med ikke mindre Held end Hr. Joachim, og jeg har, som I ved, Jonas Smed, altid kunnet glade mig ved min Konges særdeles Naade".

"Og endnu en Fordel har I Mester Africanus - I har i jer Ungdom færdedes viden om og ved, hvordan Verden ser ud udenfor Sognegrænsen."

"Det ved jeg, Jonas Smed. Og sligt glemmer en Mand aldrig. Det er herligt at leve under Afrikas Sol, og jeg længes meget ofte tilbage til dette mit fjerne Fødeland."

"I kom jo som ganske ung her til Landet, ikke sandt?"

"Jo. Jeg var kun fjorten Aar. Min senere Plejefader, den gode Hr. Elias, Sognepræst i Sorterup, tog mig med hjem til Danmark efter vor højsalige Konges Ønske. Jeg var jo en liden Hedning den Gang, og jeg fik den kristelig Daab i Garnisons-Kirken i vor Hovedstad. Kongen selv stod Fadder til mig, og I faar tro Jonas Smed, at det var mig en synderlig højtidelig Stund!"

"Det forstaar sig, Mester Airicanus - en anden En har jo maalict nøjes med mindre."

De to Mand var naaet til et Hegn of Pil og Bukketorn. De fulgte Hegnet, hvor der var Ly for Blæsten, og Jonas Smed, der var kommen et Par Skridt foran, hev en Flaske op af Lommen og vendte sig mod sin Ledsager.

"Hvad mener I om en lille Styrketaar, Mester Africanus?" spurgte han.

"Jeg siger Tak til den, som byder."

Smeden drak først og gav saa Flasken til Africanus, medens han nøje vogtede paa dennes Minespil.

"En passende Blanding af Malurtdraaber giver Drikken en krabat Smag, ej sandt?"

"Jo, I har Ret, Jonas Smed. Og I har været særdeles heldig med Blandingen."

Da Africanus havde drukket, tog han sin Hat af og strøg med Bagen af sin Haand over Panden, der var vaad af Sved efter den trælsomme Tur over Markerne.

Der var noget stærkt fremmedartet over hans Udseende. Hans Hud var lidt gullig. Haaret sort som Kul, og dertil dækkede det Hovedet som et eneste stort Krøl. Øjnene var mørke og havde et livligt og livligt skiftende Blik*)

*) Han var Søn af en dansk Soldat og en Negerkvind; han blev bragt Hjem af Præsten Elias Svane i Sorterup. fra hvem han tog Navnet Svane. Degnen Svane, eller "Africanus", vides at have haft Sammenstød med Holberg, der var lidt efterladende med Udbetaling af Skoleløn.

(Skive Folkeblad 24. december 1917).

Se også Anders J. Eriksholm: En degn i Havrebjerg Frideric Petri Svane Africanus.


I den sjællandske landsby Havrebjerg levede fra 1749 en degn ved navn Frederik Svane med tilnavnet Africanus. Han var født i Afrika i 1713, og fra Guinea var han kommet til Danmark. Her blev han døbt, og der blev sørget for en uddannelse. Efter et nyt ophold i Guinea kom han igen til Danmark, hvor han havde hustru og barn. Ansættelsen som degn i Havrebjerg synes at have hjulpet ham ud af den yderste fattigdom, men skønt Frederik Svane socialt opnåede en bedre status end flertallet af tilflyttere, blev hans stilling ikke indbringende. Hans herskab var ingen ringere end Ludvig Holberg, ejeren af Brorupgård og skolen i Havrebjerg. Mellem Holberg og Svane var der en langvarig strid om degnens pengeaflønning, ud over de naturalier som han sikkert har modtaget. Denne pengeløn ville Holberg efter sin fortolkning af reglerne ikke sætte højere end 6 rdl. årligt. Holberg døde i 1754, Svane først i 1788 i Slagelse hospital efter 35 år som landsbydegn. 

(Historiske Meddelelser om København 2000)

24 december 2017

Til købs. (Efterskrift til Politivennen).

Vare.

Smukke blomster af fjer og flor, og dertil fjer garnering med blomster til klæder og til ligpyntning, og derforuden smukke strudsfjer er at bekomme hos mig.

Christen Simonsen

Boende på Rundetårn.

(Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 17. september 1777)