30 december 2017

Københavns Botaniske Haver. (Efterskrift til Politivennen).

Københavns første botaniske have blev anlagt i Christian d. 4.s tid hvor Krystalgade ligger, dengang Lille Skidenstræde stødte op til Nørregade, på en stor ubebygget Grund bagved den daværende Universitetsbygning. Egentlig skulle grunden have været brugt til to præsteenker. Men de blev imidlertid aldrig opført, og i stedet skænkede Christian den 4. den 2. august 1600 jordstykket, (110 Alen x 6n Alen bredt) dels til professorbolig, dels til en medicinsk-botanisk have. Omkostningerne skulle betales af professoren selv. Fra 1696 fik den dog renter af en kapital på 1200 rdlr. i kroner skænket af professor Rasmus Bartholin, samt af og til ekstraordinær donationer af kongerne fx til rejser og indsamling af Planter.

Efter bybranden i 1728 udvidede man gaderne, og den i forvejen lille have blev endnu mindre. 

Den botaniske Have. Kjøbenhavn, den 10de Oktober. I Anledning af den paatænkte Flytning af den botaniske Have er der blevet forelagt Rigsdagen en interessant Oversigt over Havens Historie, hvoraf del Følgende er et Uddrag.

Universitetets første botaniske Have laa ved den saakaldte Studiegaard, der blev opført i Aaret 1000. I denne "medicinske Have", som den kaldtes, skulde der "ympes og plantes især simplicia". Den havde ingen egenlige Indtægter, men Professoren, der boede ved den, var forpligtet til at vedligeholde den. Først 1698 skjænkede Rasmus Bartholin den 1200 Rd. To Gange er den bleven flyttet; i 1752, da Oeder blev indkaldt som Professor, anlagdes en ny Have paa 11,000 Kvadratalen der, hvor Amaliegade ender med Toldbodveien, men allerede 1778 blev den flyttet til sin nuværende Plads, der skjænkedes af Kongen. Oprindelig var denne 3 1/4 Td. Land stor, men 1811, da den maatte afgive et Stykke Jord til Mynten, fik den til Erstatning 2000 Kvadratalen af en tilstødende Have, og 1843 fik den en ny Forøgelse, saa at den nu er 4 Tdr. 1580 Kvadratalen. Under Botanikerne Hornemann (1804-41) og Schouw (1841-52) og Liebmann (1852-56) og Bestyrerne Holbøll, Mørch og Weilbach har Haven hævet sig til en anseet Plads blandt Europas botaniske Haver. Antallet af de dyrkede Arter, der 1801 udgjorde omtrent 5000, var i 1857 steget til henimod det Dobbelte (9531 Arter i 20,843 Exemplarer). Ved Bytning af Frø har Haven i Tiaaret 1848-58 modtaget Frø af 10,450 Arter og afgivet 14,913. Da Schouw i 1841 overtog Havens Bestyrelse, vare Væxthusene imidlertid helt overfyldte, og de dyrkere Planters Antal var voxet op til en Grændse, man ikke burde overskride, saa at en Reduktion blev nødvendig. Til Haven hører desuden meget betydelige og værdifulde Samlinger af tørrede Planter eller Herbarier, der indtage 57 større og mindre Skabe. Til Grund for denne Samling ligger Bahls fortrinlige Herbarium paa 20,000 Arter. Desuden hører der til den et Museeum, et Bibliothek og et Forelæsningslokale. Beliggenheden midt i et bebygget Kvarter saavelsom Mangelen paa Plads har nu imidlertid gjort Havens Flytning i høi Grad nødvendig.

(Fs. St.).

(Thisted Amtsavis 20. oktober 1870)


Af dansk Naturvidenskabs Historie

Den 4de Sept. 1680 indgik Peder Kylling, der først havde søgt "ved Prædikestolen at anvende sit Pund", men nu strejfede Landet rundt og samlede Urter for at studere disse, til det høje Konsistorium med en Supplik "at hannem maatte forundes et lidet Kammers paa det øverste Loft i Collegio Walkendorfiano med Deeter afskilt, hvorudi Urterne, Semina, radices *) . . . kunde være i god Forvaring"." Dette tilstodes ham paa den Betingelse, "at de andre stipendiarii ikke derved betoges den fornødne Plads til deres Brændeved". Saa rykkede Peder Kylling, der af Samtiden ansaas for en Særling, hvorom de Vers, der digtedes ved hans Død, noksom vidner, ind i Walkendorfs Kollegium, hvor han boede i 16 Aar. Hele sit Liv helligede han Botaniken. Ingen kendte som han Planteverdenen baade i Københavns Nærhed (Gyldenlund = Charlottenlund) og i fjernere ligne. I den af Dr. Maar (1910) udgivne Manuskript af Holger Jaeobirus (Rejsebog 1671-92) findes en samtidig Tegning, hvor man ser Peder Kylling i en Dragt af den Mode, som man er vant til at tænke sig Chr. IV med, gaaende "herbatim" (o : botaniserende) under Vejledning af Ole Borch. Senere blev Kylling selv Lærer for de studerende. Hans botaniske Skrifter vidner om en ikke almindelig Indsigt i sit Fag; men nogen Berømthed blev Kylling ikke. Medens hver Mand vidste, at Ole Borch i Florents havde kunnet ægte en Prinsesse af Medici, om han havde villet gaa over til Katolicismen) - thi han var den berømte Læge og Kemiker, hvis Navn var omgivet med den Nimbus, der mindedes fra Bartholinernes store dage - saa var Kylling kun Botaniker og nærmest regnet for en Særling, hvem faa forstod. Og dog! Kunde han ikke prise sig lykkelig ! Hans ydre Kaar var gode, og Botaniken fyldte hans Liv. Af Chr. V blev han udnævnt til Botanicus regius med 300 Rdlr. aarlig Løn. Hvor let kunde det ikke være gaaet ham som Dr. Otto Sperling i disse urolige Tider?

Samme Sperling var allerede 24 Aar gammel Botanicus i Venezia hos Raadsherren Contarini, der havde en botanisk Have. Dette var i Aaret 1624. Vi træffer ham senere (1638) i København som "Børnehuus-Medicus, Hof-Botanicus og Inspector ved den i kgl. Have" (ved Rosenborg). Men den svenske Fejde slugte de Penge, som den botaniske Have skulde have nydt, og Sperling, der "mengede sig" i Politik, faldt i Unaade. Omkring ved den Tid, da Kylling begyndte sin botaniske Løbebane, sad Sperling fangen paa Københavns Slot. Ud paa Efteraaret 1673 (den 12te [mangler]mber), da Vejret begyndte at blive koldt og sludfuldt, skriver Kristian den 5te: "Wor synderlig Gunst tilforn, Vider, at Ti allernaadigst have bevilget, Doet. Otto Sperling en Lammeskinds-Kjortel og en Bibel at maa bekomme" - til at varme henholdsvis Legeme og Sjæl paa.

Det vandre Tiden end i det skønne Venezia i Raadsherren Contarinis Urtegaard.

(Riget (København) 31. juli 1911. Uddrag om Kylling af kronik af Axel Garboe)

Peder Kylling bestemte og beskrev 404 planter, der voksede i skoven ved Charlottenlund, og 1688 fremlagde han en fortegnelse over de danske vækster (Flora Danica). Peder Kylling døde ca. 56 Aar gammel i oktober 1696, Det omtalte vers kan hentyde til et gravskrift over ham, hvori det bl. a. heder:

En morsom Knart
Her sover hart
fra
 Kyllingsorg og Møde, 
som vox'de snart, 
men uden Art en gammel Kylling døde

Thi han var klog
i Urtebog
som Mester Fix at sige;
men døde dog,
og Graven tog
hans Konst og ham tillige.

Det skrev jeg kort
paa Hvidt med Sort
lad, Læser, det dig tækkes
trods nogen Ort
et Æg er gjort
hvoraf slig Kylling klækkes

(Citat fra København, 28. december 1922 fra en kronik af Carl C. Christensen, grosserer og forfatter 1866-1960).

Den tyske læge Georg Christian Oeder (udnævnt 1754 til Botanikus) udvirkede 1752 anlægget af en ny botanisk have for enden af Amaliegade på 11.000 kvadratalen. Oeder boede på Frederiks Hospital. Den 2. botaniske have lå på begge sider af Amaliegade på arealet hvor Nordre Toldbod nu står. Haven blev åben for publikum i 1763, dog kun den del der lå nærmest hospitalet. Oeder skal have gjort sig uvenner med både gartneren og kongens kabinetssekretær, justditsråd H. C. Esmarck. 

Den gamle have i Krystalgade blev dog bevaret efter flytningen til Charlottenborg som en lysthave for professorboligen der. Senere blev der opført en bygning, men omkring 1840 fandtes stadig rester af haven gemt bag en høj mur ud til Krystalgade. 1863-69 opførtes Zoologiske Museum.

Jakob Coning (1647-1724): Kongens Nytorv, Botanisk Have: Haven bag Gyldenløves Gård (Charlottenborg) i Slutningen af det 17de Århundrede. Det Kongelige Bibliotek. Fri af ophavsret.

Paa Charlottenborg havde Kongen  imidlertid nogle Aar i Forvejen indrettet en "Naturel-Husholdnings Samling" under Bestyrelse af tvende Professorer, og Oeder kommer da med Forslag om at slaa denne sammen med den botaniske Have under en fælles Bestyrelse, ligesom han ogsaa kom ind paa det betimelige i at henlægge begge Afdelingerne under Københavns Universitet. Muligvis har Oeder næret den Bagtanke, at han da selv paa denne Maade kunde blive knyttet som Professor ved Universitetet, som forøvrigt en Gang tidligere havde vraget ham som saadan.

Universitetet stillede sig imidlertid uvilligt hertil, men pekuniære Hensyn tvang dog Partikulærkammeret til i 1770 at fremkomme med en reel Proposition, der gik ud paa, at Havens større, ikke fuldførte Del blev overladt Kommercekollegiet (dvs. Toldvæsenet), og den mindre Del med Bygninger, Bibliotek, Træer, Planter etc. overdroges Universitetet, ligesom dette af Kongen fik et aarligt Tilskud paa 300 Rdlr. til Vedligeholdelse m.m.

Det blev dog ikke Oeder, som kom til at bestyre denne Have, som skulde supplere den hensygnende Have i Skidenstræde, men derimod Botanikeren Friis Rottbøll, og det var ham unægtelig en Streg i Regningen. Han maatte fortrække fra København, hvor han havde boet i ca. 20 Aar, og fik Ansættelse som Landfoged i Oldenburg.

Det viste sig imidlertid at være uheldigt for Universitetet at have botaniske Haver paa to Steder i Byen saa langt fra hinanden, og efter mange Underhandlinger besluttede saa Kongen sig til at skænke Haven bagved Charlottenborg Slot til Universitetet, saa at dette her kunde have en stor samlet Have. Dette skete saa i 1778, hvorefter de andre Havers Saga var ude.

(København, 28. december 1922).

Carl C. Christensen, grosserer og forfatter 1866-1960.

En farlig Vei til St. Hans Hospital. (Efterskrift til Politivennen)

Adskillige Gange har Indsenderen passeret Veien til St. Hans Hospital, - den som skiller Sortesøe fra Peblingesøen - og ligesaa ofte har han undret sig over, at denne Vei ikke er forsynet med nogen Vold, eller i det mindste med et Rækværk. Hvor let var det ikke mueligt, at et Menneske, som om Natten i Mørke passerede denne Vei, kunde ved et Feiltrin styrte ned fra Veien. Han udsatte sig da ikke alleneste for at brække Lemmerne - og lykkelig kunde han vist prise sig om han slap med det. Men hvorledes vilde han redde sig af Vandet, naar han var sønderslagen? Betragter man den Høide der er paa begge Sider af Veien, ned til Søerne, saa maae man noksom skrækkes. Endnu mere: Den 7. Junii kom et par Bønderheste i fuld Spring over denne Vei; - de løb løbsk - Bonden laae midt i Vognen, og efter al Tilsyneladende var fuld; Tømmen hang paa Hamlerne, og et lille Pigebarns frygtelige Skrig gjorde Scenen endnu rædsommere. De løb forbi St. Hans Hospital og saa langt jeg kunde øine dem; om de bleve standsede veed jeg ei. Hvad om nu Vognen havde væltet der, og Mand og Barn blevne kastet ned i en af Søerne. Gid Vedkommende vilde tage sig det til Hierte, og sørge for slige farlige Følgers Afværgelse! Naar Veien blev indrettet, som den paa Nørre- og Østerbroe, saa var det heele hævet.

(Kiøbenhavnsbladet eller Borgeren og Politiet, nr. 3, 13. juni 1799)

Vold af Matros i Helsingøer. (Efterskrift til Politivennen)

Den 20. november, atter en engelsk matroskombat på broen, som kom deraf at en engelsk matros begik den ubetydelige uskik at tage et på broen liggende halvanker brændevin med i sin båd, på hvis most han, fordi det var så såre koldt, formodentlig ville varme sig, og var end så uhøflig at opvarte købmandsbetjenten som - da han havde søgt efter det og fundet det på sit urette sted - steg i sin enfoldighed ned i båden for at hente det tilbage, med ufine næveslag i ansigtet, og ved denne uvenlige adfærd søgte at forhindre ankerets borttagelse. Uhøfligheden blev snart hævnet, og da der var mange matroser i land, blev alarmen snart større, som dog vagten ved færgefolkets hjælp fik stillet, og hvorved tre kophaner måtte tage logi i rådstuearresten. Det var ellers at ønske at vagten, når der på reden ligger så stor en engelsk flåde (her var over 300 foruden de armerede skibe), måtte forstærkes med mere mandskab, og derved sættes i stand til med kraft at holde styr på de urolige hoveder. Man vil håbe, at denne uorden vil for i år blive den sidste, og at anstalt vil blive føjet til bedre orden for de kommende år.

(Helsingøersbladet, den 23. november 1798)

29 december 2017

"Negere og Negerinder" (1780-1799). (Efterskrift til Politivennen)

Politivennens artikler om sorte fra kolonierne i København er yderst sparsom, det samme gælder for andre aviser og blade. Til belysning af deres forhold her et udvalg af artikler, stillingsansøgninger, efterlysninger, retssager mm om sorte i København på Politivennens tid, ordnet kronologisk. Se også siden med en artikelserie fra tidsskriftet Borger-Vennen:


Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 31. oktober 1780:
Fra mig er bortløben en Mulatdreng, navnlig William, omtrent 11 Aar gammel, koparret i Ansigtet og klædt i blaatærnet Tøy; hvem samme Dreng maatte forekomme, ville behageligst give mig det tilkiende.
F. Friderichs
i Strandgaden No. 39 paa Christianshavn

Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 31. oktober 1780:
Da min sorte Negerinde, med Navn Helene, er i Søndags Aftes den 29 October bortgaaet af mit Huus, og taget noget Tøy med sig, og da det adskillige Gange er skeet, at hun er bortløbet; saa formodes, at hun maa have et Opholdsted, eller at nogen forfører hende dertil, og advares hermed alle og enhver, ikke at huse eller hæle hende, da de ellers blive tiltalte efter Loven, men den, som kan give mig hendes Opholdsted tilkiende, loves en Douceur
Wilhelm Mester
boende i Gothersgade No. 174

Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 12. juli 1785:
En ung Negerinde, som har sin Frihed, ønsker sig at komme til et Herskab; anvises paa Ulfeldsplads No. 114 i Stuen.

Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 11. september 1797:
En Negerdreng, navnlig Hans, hidkommen med Capt. Klein fra St. Croix er bortløben, han er af en bleg eller lys sort Couleur 13 a 14 Aar gammel, ved Undvigelsen klædt i en blaae Trøie og lange Buxer, taler temmelig got dansk. For opdagelsen af hans Opholdssted loves en raisonabel Douceur i Strandgaden No. 41 paa Christianshavn.

Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 31. juli 1799:
Ifald en halvvoxen Negerdreng ønskede sig en god Tieneste hos et Herskab paa Landet, og kunde skaffe Attest om sin Troeskab og Ædruelighed kunde han henvende sig i Urteboden paa Hiørnet af store og lille Regnegade.

Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 2. august 1799:
Advares at ingen maae betroe min med Brikskibet Mave & Fany hiemkomne Neger, navnlig Mark, noget paa mit Navn, uden selv at tage Skade, da jeg selv forsyner ham med alt fornødent.
Peder J. Holm

Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 11. oktober 1799:
En frie Neger som kan tale 5 Sprog søger Condition som Tiener hos et Herskab, eller og med en eenlig Herre som reiser; Anviisning gives i Hyskenstræde No. 58 B. hos Fæstemand Qvistsal.

Telegraf paa Rundetaarn. (Efterskrift til Politivennen).

Den 2. december blev fra Rundetårn ud til Frederiksberg korresponderet med en telegraf hvis figurer skal have betegnet de ord: Denne telegraf viser hans majestæt at den er til nytte.

(Kongelig allernaadigst privilegerede Aarhuus Stifts Adresse-Contoirs Tidender, 13. december 1794).

Kunstdrejer Dehsen har i dag tidlig gjort et forsøg med en telegraf fra Rundetårn til Frederiksberg Slot, og havde opfordret enhver til prøven efter det alfabet som han havde bekendtgjort ved trykken at passe på hvad han ville tilkendegive.

(Fabers Fyenske Avertissements-Tidende eller de til Forsendelse med Posten Kongelig allene privilegerede Fyens Stifts almindelige Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 19. december 1794).

Der er formentlig tale om kunstdrejer Johan H. Dehsen, som i 1806 boede i Klareboderne 12. Huset er opført 1731-33 af tømmermester Niels Nielsen og murermester Jens Roskyld.


Lauritz Smith (1754-1794). (Efterskrift til Politivennen).

Politivennen omtalte tidligt eksempler på dyremishandling (1799) og udtrykte afsky overfor dette. Dyrebeskyttelsessagen førte i nyere tid ofte sin historie tilbage til Eilschouw - som dog døde ung, og derfor ikke fik nogen indflydelse - og Lauritz Smith som Foreningen til Dyrenes Beskyttelse senere tog til indtægt for at være blandt de første. At han ikke var alene, vidner dog en række artikler i Politivennen om. Nedenfor nogle omtaler af Lauritz Smith fra hans samtid som udelukkende koncentrerer sig om hans karriere, samt nogle artikler fra 1881 og frem hvor dyrebeskyttelsessagen for alvor har bidt sig fast.

Doctor Lauritz Smith (1790). Kobberstikker Johan Christoph Seehusen (1762-1824). Det Kongelige Bibliotek. Fri af ophavsret.

Akademiske forretninger

København. Onsdag den 27. april var 5 kandidater oppe til teologisk eksamen, af hvilke to fik karakteren Haud idaucabilem, og to: Non contemnerdum. Lørdag den 7. maj forsvarede på Regensen hr. Lauritz Smith sin trykte disputats de electione judæorum perfictionibus divines confentanes. Defendens var hr. Joachim Daniel Preisler. Opponenterne var hr. kateket Sinding, og hr. Schouboe, hører ved vor Frue latinske skole.

(Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 9. maj 1774).

Bøger

Hellige taler af Lauritz Smith findes til købs hos bogtrykker Stein i Skidenstræde nr. 171, boghandler Gyldendal i Helliggeiststræde og hos Rothe i nr. 8 på Børsen for 12 sk.

(Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 8. oktober 1776).

Bøger.

Den naturlige religions første grunde, af Lauritz Smith, lærer i filosofi og de skønne videnskaber ved det kongelige landkadetakademi, er udkommet fra pressen, og sælges hos Gyldendal i Silkegade for 8 sk.

(Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 12. januar 1778).

Copulerede.

Hr. professor Lauritz Smith og jomfr. Christiane Friderica Sperfeldt.

(Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 19. november 1779).

Befordringer.

Den 10. april h. å. er professor Lauritz Smith allernådigst beskikket til informator i historien og geografien m.v. ved det kongelige Søkadetkorps.

(Kongelig privilegerede Odense Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 28. april 1780)

Aalborg den 10. juni

Hans majestæt har under 3. juni allernådigst beskikket hr. professor Lauritz Smith, rektor ved Trondhjems latinske skole at være sognepræst til Vejle og Hornstrup i Ribe Stift. 

(De Aalborgske allene privilegerede Jydske Efterretninger, 10. juni 1785)

Befordringer.

Den 12.: Doktor og professor Lauritz Smith beskikket at være slotspræst ved Fredensborg Slot samt sognepræst for Asminderød og Grønholt sogne. 

(Kiøbenhavns Kongelig alene priviligerede Adresse-Contoirs Efterretninger, 5. november 1792).

To år efter døde han, og herefter skrev aviserne ikke noget om ham indtil dyrebeskyttelsesbevægelsen startede i 1875 og havde behov for en historie tilbage i tiden. I Politivennen kunne denne forening have fundet artikler hvori udtryktes afsky for mishandlingen og medfølelse for dyrene

Mindesmærket for Lauritz Smith på Holmens Kirkegård. Det stod oprindeligt udenfor kirkegården. Foto Erik Nicolaisen Høy.

Dyrevennen

for februar måned er udkommet og indeholder: "Mustafa", genrebillede af Carl Andersen (med billede). Lauritz Smith (1754-1794) med portræt. Spædekalvens mishandling, af dyrlæge J. Jensen. Orm hos hunde. Foreningen til Dyrenes Beskyttelse. Elise Lisbergs legalt til fremme af dyrebeskyttelsessagen. Fredet vildt.

(Morgenbladet (København), 6. februar 1881).

Foreningen til Dyrenes Beskyttelse

20. nov. 1875-20. nov. 1900

af

Etatsrådinde Benedicte Collin

(uddrag)

Den første stemme der her i Danmark hævede sig til fordel for vore umælende medskabninger, kom fra den lærde magister Fr. Chr. Eilschow....Denne mand døde imidlertid ung, og sagen hvilede i ca. 50 år, indtil provst, dr. teol. Lauritz Smith i 1789 udgav sin bekendte bog: "Forsøg til en fuldstændig lærebygning om dyrenes natur og bestemmelse samt menneskenes pligter imod dyrene". Denne bog er sikkert et af de frøkorn som senere er spirede frem og har beredt vejen for denne sags banebrydere.

(Samfundet (København), 18. november 1900).

Foreningen til Dyrenes Beskyttelse

har som bekendt i sin tid ladet restaurere det foran graverboligen på Holmens Kirkegård henstillede mindesmærke over den bekendte præst Lauritz Smith der i længst forsvunden tid tog ordet for dyrebeskyttelsen her i landet.

En marmortavle ved monumentets fodstykke bærer ved sin inskription vidne om denne pietetshandling.

I dag - jubilæumsdagen for den nævnte forening - er der ved mindestenen henlagt en smagfuld Krans af cycasblade, smykkede med en dekoration af krysantemum. 

(Samfundet (København), 20. november 1900).

Præmieuddelingen i foreningen til Dyrenes Beskyttelse.

Biskop Fr. NIelsen taler

(uddrag)

Uden for graverboligen på Holmens Kirkegård i København står et af foreningen til Dyrenes Beskyttelse istandsat monument over præsten Lauritz Smith der en tid var præst ved Holmens Kirke. Han er en af de første der herhjemme i sin bog "Om dyrene" slog til lyd for at mennesker har pligter over for dyrene. Det skete på en tid da der talte meget om pligter, men der var dengang endnu mange som hyldede den gamle teori som en stor tænker i det 17. århundrede havde gjort gældende at dyrene egentlig kun var maskiner over for hvilke der ikke kunne tales om pligter. Da var det at en engelsk tænker indskærpede at et menneske ikke alene har pligter over for dem der kan tænke og tale, men også over for dem der kan lide. 

(Aalborg Stiftstidende, 10. januar 1901).

Hovedstadsbillede

Et mindesmærke på alfarvej.

På den yderste nordlige spids af Holmens Kirkegård - på en måde adskilt fra "de dødes have" ved den gamle graverbolig, som ligger ud imod Østerbrogade og Farimagsgade - står et enligt mindesmærke, en smuk sandsten med en vase over. Kun få af de utalte tusinder, der mellem år og dag passerer dette stærkt befærdede knudepunkt - hvor to hovedfærdselsårer mødes - skænker det i øvrigt ikke uanselige gravmonument et blik; endnu færre får tid til at standse, og det er vist kun ganske enkelte, som har læst den ikke uinteressante gravskrift:

For 
Lauritz Smith
Den meget oplyste
Mand
Den nidkære og nyttige
Skolelærer
Den sande udmærkede
Prædiker
Den for Almenvellet
utrættelige
Tænker og Arbejder
Den trofaste
Ven
Den til Beundring
Veldædige
Den
Sande Hæderværdige
rejstes
denne Mindesten
af
nogle hans erkiendtlige
Tilhørere
og sørgende
Venner.

Og nede på mindesmærkets fod står som supplement til disse 24 linjer følgende:

I taknemmelig Erindring om den
Afdødes
Birken for Indskjærpelse af
Menneskets Pligter mod
Dyrene
lod Foreningen til Dyrenes Beskyttelse
dette Minde fornye Aar 1878 og
1908.

Man sporer den gammeldags stil fra nogle slægtled tilbage i denne gravskrift. Men den kalder på interessen. Og ikke mindst, når man på den venstre side af monumentet læser:

Han fødtes
den 12. April
1754,
kaldtes til
bedre Liv
den 22. Marts 1794.

Altså ikke engang 40 år, og dog, mand, lærer, prædiker, tænker, arbejder, ven og velgører ... man spørger uvilkårlig sig selv, når man står foran dette mindesmærke ved alfarvej, hvem denne mærkelige mand har været.

Lauritz Smith var søn af en københavnsk toldbetjent og blev student 1772 (altså i en alder af 18 år). Han nærede stor interesse for filosofi og æstetik, og han nåede derfor ikke at tage nogen embedseksamen. Men allerede som student tog han ivrig del i samtidens litterære stridigheder og filosofiske disputatser, og fra 1776 blev han knyttet til Landkadetakademiet som lærer i filosofi og "de skønne videnskaber". Tre år senere blev han titulær professor og ægtede samme år en dame fra Pommern.

Mulig har ægteskabet foranlediget at han har set sig om efter "noget fast". I hvert tilfælde blev han i 1780 rektor ved Latinskolen i Nykøbing på Falster, men forflyttedes, endnu inden der var gået et år til Trondhjem, hvor han ved siden af sin rektorgerning fik tid til at skrive en række - mest litterært polemiske - skrifter og være sekretær i det norske Videnskabernes Selskab

Men uroen sad Smith i blodet. I 1785 dukker han op i Vejle som sognepræst - han var blevet fritaget for at tage teologisk embedseksamen - ; 1786 blev han tillige provst, men allerede 1788 udnævntes han til præst på Frederiksberg, og 1789 blev han residerende kapellan ved Holmens Kirke. Her virkede han i omtrent tre år, og man får et levende Indtryk af, at hans virken har sat spor, når man læser på højre side af hans gravsten :

Tæt
bagved denne
Sten
Hviler Hans Legem
efter Hans
Ønske
blandt
Hans elskede
hensovede
Tilhørere.

Også i en anden henseende blev Smiths Holmens år af betydning. Det var nemlig i disse år, han udgav sit livs hovedværk: "Om Dyrenes Natur og Bestemmelse og Menneskets Pligter imod Dyrene". Dette værk blev på sit område grundlæggende, og derfor vedligeholder Foreningen til Dyrenes Beskyttelse nu Lauritz Smiths mindesmærke. De trofaste tilhørere som for over et hundred år siden rejste monumentet, er jo for længst alle under mulde . . .

Smith var - som nævnt - kun i tre år ved Holmens Kirke. Så forflyttedes han til Asminderød og virkede her som sognepræst og slotspræst ved Fredensborg til sin død. Den 22. marts 1794 afsluttedes dette urolige og rastløse liv.

- At den kun 40-årige mand efterlod mange venner og beundrere, er en historisk kendsgerning. Men lige så vist er det at han havde mange fjender. Hans tunge og pen var alle dage skarpe. Og han skånede ingen. Derfor traf man da også hans uvenner helt op i de højeste kredse - hertugen af Augustenborg var en af dem. Smith havde en gang talt om at kronprinsregenten (den senere Frederik den Sjette) ikke burde bryde sig om "Kong Augustenborg og de andre næssekonger", og det glemte hertugen ikke.

Lauritz Smith havde imidlertid en god støtte i sin mangeårige og nære ven, den senere gehejmekonferensråd Johan v. Bülow til Sanderumgård, som fra 1773 til 1793 hørte til kronprins Frederiks nærmeste omgivelser. Bülow nærede en rodfæstet kærlighed til videnskaben og traf i Smith en beslægtet ånd der tilmed ejede evnen for at give de tanker, der gærede hos hans formående ven, udtryk i tale og skrift. De to mænd som var omtrent jævnaldrende, førte en livlig brevveksling. Og det må vistnok nærmest tilskrives Bülows indflydelse, at det - trods alle skarpe angreb her og der - lykkedes Smith at få sine idelige forflytningsønsker opfyldt og derved dulme den sindets hvileløse uro som han selv har givet udtryk ved at indlede sin levnedsbeskrivelse med en latinsk Sætning, som han selv oversætter i følgende ord: "Mennesket var i nært slægtskab med Jerusalems skomager!"

Cerf.

(Roskilde Avis 1. maj 1911).

Samme mindesmærke, set fra siden. Bagest den gamle graverbolig (nu privat erhvervsejendom). Det var bag denne, ved krydset at mindesmærket oprindelig blev rejst. Foto Erik Nicolaisen Høy.

Pastor Hans Knudsen, dyrebeskytteren

højtærede hr. redaktør!

I disse dage hvor Hans Knudsen af alle med rette hædres som skaberen af det udmærkede "Samfund for Vanføre", som han, den varmhjertede beskytter af samfundets mest forstødte skabninger, stiftede for mange år siden, bør det heller ikke forglemmes at Hans Knudsen tillige var den egentlige stifter af dyrebeskyttelsesbevægelsen i Danmark. Han udgav nemlig i året 1876 et særlig af alle dyrevenner højt skattet værk: "Om skabningens forlængsel og håb (romerbrevet 8., 18.-23.). Et bidrag til at betyde dyrenes stilling, vilkår og udsigter", forlagt af den Gyldendalske Boghandel ( F. Hegel) 1876.

Det må ligeledes af alle dyrevenner erindres at varme tilhængere af den danske dyrebeskyttelsesbevægelse, med afdøde J. C. Lembke og hustru i spidsen, ved Hans Knudsens død rejste et herligt mindesmærke til ære for denne afdøde; dette mindesmærke er den dag i dag at skue på Holmens Kirkegård, hvor det har fundet en smuk og fremtrædende plads lige ud for graverboligen på hjørnet af Østerfarimgsgade og Østerbrogade.

V. C. P.

(Nationaltidende, 14. januar 1913).

Pastor Hans Knudsen.

Et par rettelser.

"Nationaltidende" for 14. januar. morgenudgaven, står der - under mærket V. C. P. - et indsendt stykke, der er ganske vildledende. Det siges deri, at Hans Knudsen er den egentlige stifter af dyrebeskyttelsesbevægelsen i Danmark, og at J. Chr. Lembcke og hans hustru stod i spidsen for en bevægelse, der førte til, at der på hjørnet af Østerbrogade og Østerfarimagsgade rejstes et mindesmærke for Hans Knudsen. Sjældent ser man på tryk fejlagtigere fremstilling.

Det er ikke altid let at sige, hvem der er den egentlige stifter af en bevægelse, men er noget i denne verden sikkert, så er det dette: Hans Knudsen er ikke stifter af dyrebeskyttelsesbevægelsen. Rimeligvis er det den højtbegavede filosof F. C. Eilschov, der levede 1725-1750, der i litteraturen har sat de første betydningsfulde spor til dyrebeskyttelsesbevægelsen. Stor udbredelse fik hans ideer ikke straks, og da professor Lauritz Smith 1789 skrev sin mærkelige bog "Tanker om Dyrenes Natur og Bestemmelse", kendte han slet ikke Eilschovs; men han fik læst den inden 1791, da hans "Forsøg til en fuldstændig forebygning om Dyrenes Natur og Bestemmelse" udkom. Dette arbejde er et forsøg på efter tidens evne - at fremstille en systematisk ordnet lære om pligterne mod dyrene, og det fik en meget stor udbredelse og en indflydelse, der satte meget dybe spor, og det mindesmærke, "Nationaltidende"s indsender omtaler, er sat over Smith. Dermed havde J. Chr. Lembcke af gode grunde intet som helst at gøre, han var en moden mand, da andre fortalte ham mindesmærket. At han har sin andel i, at det blev restaureret, da det en gang trængte til det, er en sag for sig.

Hans Knudsen skrev en teologisk afhandling over ordene i Romerbrevets 8. kapitel om skabningens forlængsel. Denne afhandling betragtede han som en hilsen til den af andre stiftede dyrebeskyttelsesforening. I øvrigt er dens betydning for denne bevægelse lig med nul. Meget få bøger er gået så sporløst hen som den. Til Dyrebeskyttelsens bærende kræfter hører filosoffen Eilschov, teologen Lauritz Smith, handelsmanden David Graah, ingeniør Viggo Schmidt, etatsråd J. Chr. Lembcke og fru Julie Lembcke, født Wilster; men absolut ikke Hans Knudsen.

Enghaveplads, 14. januar

R. B. Mortensen.

(Nationaltidende, 15. januar 1913).


Grafik for Lauritz Smith. Det Kongelige Bibliotek. Fri af ophavsret.

Takstræet

Landmænd bør ikke have takstræ hvor deres dyr kommer.

(uddrag)

Første gang dette træs giftige egenskaber omtales herhjemme, er i 1791 da den lærde professor i filosofi og kapellan ved Holmens Kirke Lauritz Smith - en mand der ved siden af at han var præst, levende interesserede sig for alt hvad der angik dyr - fortæller om hvorledes to heste som harvede i Frederiksberg Have, et øjeblik blev overladt til sig selv, og "nu drog de harven med sig hen til nogle takstræer som der stode og åde af bladene som sade på træet; kusken kom tilbage og begyndte at harve igen, men det varede næppe 15 minutter inden de faldt om og døde".

Denne hændelse gav veterinæren Erik Viborg anledning til at anstille nogle fordringsforsøg hvor det bl.a. viste sig at en hest der efter at have sultet i 4 timer, åd 250 gram taksgrene, en time efter styrtede om, brølede og døde.

(Social-Demokraten for Randers og Omegn,18. september 1914).

Den store ildebrand i Vejle 23. april 1786

(uddrag)

Vi har ligeledes et øjenvidnes beretning om branden, idet byens præst, Lauritz Smith, i en række af breve til gehejmeråd Joh. v. Bülow har givet en beskrivelse af den - ganske vist har Smith ikke overværet selve ulykken, idet han var kørende til annekskirken, Hornstrup, til konfirmation der, men om brandens følger har Smith i brevene givet en række udmærkede oplysninger.

(Den til Forsendelse med de Kongelige Brevposter privilegerede Berlingske Politiske og Avertissementstidende, 8. januar 1916)

Letters written during a short residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, by Mary Wollstonecraft. (Efterskrift til Politivennen)

 LETTER XVIII.—COPENHAGEN.

The distance from Elsineur to Copenhagen is twenty-two miles; the road is very good, over a flat country diversified with wood, mostly beech, and decent mansions.  There appeared to be a great quantity of corn land, and the soil looked much more fertile than it is in general so near the sea.  The rising grounds, indeed, were very few, and around Copenhagen it is a perfect plain; of course has nothing to recommend it but cultivation, not decorations. If I say that the houses did not disgust me, I tell you all I remember of them, for I cannot recollect any pleasurable sensations they excited, or that any object, produced by nature or art, took me out of myself. The view of the city, as we drew near, was rather grand, but without any striking feature to interest the imagination, excepting the trees which shade the footpaths.

Just before I reached Copenhagen I saw a number of tents on a wide plain, and supposed that the rage for encampments had reached this city; but I soon discovered that they were the asylum of many of the poor families who had been driven out of their habitations by the late fire.

Entering soon after, I passed amongst the dust and rubbish it had left, affrighted by viewing the extent of the devastation, for at least a quarter of the city had been destroyed. There was little in the appearance of fallen bricks and stacks of chimneys to allure the imagination into soothing melancholy reveries; nothing to attract the eye of taste, but much to afflict the benevolent heart.  The depredations of time have always something in them to employ the fancy, or lead to musing on subjects which, withdrawing the mind from objects of sense, seem to give it new dignity; but here I was treading on live ashes. The sufferers were still under the pressure of the misery occasioned by this dreadful conflagration. I could not take refuge in the thought: they suffered, but they are no more! a reflection I frequently summon to calm my mind when sympathy rises to anguish. I therefore desired the driver to hasten to the hotel recommended to me, that I might avert my eyes and snap the train of thinking which had sent me into all the corners of the city in search of houseless heads.

This morning I have been walking round the town, till I am weary of observing the ravages. I had often heard the Danes, even those who had seen Paris and London, speak of Copenhagen with rapture. Certainly I have seen it in a very disadvantageous light, some of the best streets having been burnt, and the whole place thrown into confusion. Still the utmost that can, or could ever, I believe, have been said in its praise, might be comprised in a few words. The streets are open, and many of the houses large; but I saw nothing to rouse the idea of elegance or grandeur, if I except the circus where the king and prince royal reside.

The palace, which was consumed about two years ago, must have been a handsome, spacious building; the stone-work is still standing, and a great number of the poor, during the late fire, took refuge in its ruins till they could find some other abode. Beds were thrown on the landing-places of the grand staircase, where whole families crept from the cold, and every little nook is boarded up as a retreat for some poor creatures deprived of their home. At present a roof may be sufficient to shelter them from the night air; but as the season advances, the extent of the calamity will be more severely felt, I fear, though the exertions on the part of Government are very considerable.  Private charity has also, no doubt, done much to alleviate the misery which obtrudes itself at every turn; still, public spirit appears to me to be hardly alive here. Had it existed, the conflagration might have been smothered in the beginning, as it was at last, by tearing down several houses before the flames had reached them. To this the inhabitants would not consent; and the prince royal not having sufficient energy of character to know when he ought to be absolute, calmly let them pursue their own course, till the whole city seemed to be threatened with destruction.  Adhering, with puerile scrupulosity, to the law which he has imposed on himself, of acting exactly right, he did wrong by idly lamenting whilst he marked the progress of a mischief that one decided step would have stopped. He was afterwards obliged to resort to violent measures; but then, who could blame him? And, to avoid censure, what sacrifices are not made by weak minds?

A gentleman who was a witness of the scene assured me, likewise, that if the people of property had taken half as much pains to extinguish the fire as to preserve their valuables and furniture, it would soon have been got under. But they who were not immediately in danger did not exert themselves sufficiently, till fear, like an electrical shock, roused all the inhabitants to a sense of the general evil. Even the fire-engines were out of order, though the burning of the palace ought to have admonished them of the necessity of keeping them in constant repair. But this kind of indolence respecting what does not immediately concern them seems to characterise the Danes.  A sluggish concentration in themselves makes them so careful to preserve their property, that they will not venture on any enterprise to increase it in which there is a shadow of hazard.

Considering Copenhagen as the capital of Denmark and Norway, I was surprised not to see so much industry or taste as in Christiania. Indeed, from everything I have had an opportunity of observing, the Danes are the people who have made the fewest sacrifices to the graces.

The men of business are domestic tyrants, coldly immersed in their own affairs, and so ignorant of the state of other countries, that they dogmatically assert that Denmark is the happiest country in the world; the Prince Royal the best of all possible princes; and Count Bernstorff the wisest of ministers.

As for the women, they are simply notable housewives; without accomplishments or any of the charms that adorn more advanced social life. This total ignorance may enable them to save something in their kitchens, but it is far from rendering them better parents. On the contrary, the children are spoiled, as they usually are when left to the care of weak, indulgent mothers, who having no principle of action to regulate their feelings, become the slaves of infants, enfeebling both body and mind by false tenderness.

I am, perhaps, a little prejudiced, as I write from the impression of the moment; for I have been tormented to-day by the presence of unruly children, and made angry by some invectives thrown out against the maternal character of the unfortunate Matilda. She was censured, with the most cruel insinuation, for her management of her son, though, from what I could gather, she gave proofs of good sense as well as tenderness in her attention to him. She used to bathe him herself every morning; insisted on his being loosely clad; and would not permit his attendants to injure his digestion by humouring his appetite. She was equally careful to prevent his acquiring haughty airs, and playing the tyrant in leading-strings. The Queen Dowager would not permit her to suckle him; but the next child being a daughter, and not the Heir-Apparent of the Crown, less opposition was made to her discharging the duty of a mother.

Poor Matilda! thou hast haunted me ever since may arrival; and the view I have had of the manners of the country, exciting my sympathy, has increased my respect for thy memory.

I am now fully convinced that she was the victim of the party she displaced, who would have overlooked or encouraged her attachment, had not her lover, aiming at being useful, attempted to overturn some established abuses before the people, ripe for the change, had sufficient spirit to support him when struggling in their behalf. Such indeed was the asperity sharpened against her that I have heard her, even after so many years have elapsed, charged with licentiousness, not only for endeavouring to render the public amusements more elegant, but for her very charities, because she erected, amongst other institutions, a hospital to receive foundlings. Disgusted with many customs which pass for virtues, though they are nothing more than observances of forms, often at the expense of truth, she probably ran into an error common to innovators, in wishing to do immediately what can only be done by time.

Many very cogent reasons have been urged by her friends to prove that her affection for Struensee was never carried to the length alleged against her by those who feared her influence. Be that as it may she certainly was no a woman of gallantry, and if she had an attachment for him it did not disgrace her heart or understanding, the king being a notorious debauchee and an idiot into the bargain. As the king’s conduct had always been directed by some favourite, they also endeavoured to govern him, from a principle of self-preservation as well as a laudable ambition; but, not aware of the prejudices they had to encounter, the system they adopted displayed more benevolence of heart than soundness of judgment. As to the charge, still believed, of their giving the King drugs to injure his faculties, it is too absurd to be refuted. Their oppressors had better have accused them of dabbling in the black art, for the potent spell still keeps his wits in bondage.

I cannot describe to you the effect it had on me to see this puppet of a monarch moved by the strings which Count Bernstorff holds fast; sit, with vacant eye, erect, receiving the homage of courtiers who mock him with a show of respect. He is, in fact, merely a machine of state, to subscribe the name of a king to the acts of the Government, which, to avoid danger, have no value unless countersigned by the Prince Royal; for he is allowed to be absolutely aim idiot, excepting that now and then an observation or trick escapes him, which looks more like madness than imbecility.

What a farce is life. This effigy of majesty is allowed to burn down to the socket, whilst the hapless Matilda was hurried into an untimely grave.

“As flies to wanton boys, are we to the gods;
They kill us for their sport.”

Adieu!


LETTER XIX.

Business having obliged me to go a few miles out of town this morning I was surprised at meeting a crowd of people of every description, and inquiring the cause of a servant, who spoke French, I was informed that a man had been executed two hours before, and the body afterwards burnt.  I could not help looking with horror around—the fields lost their verdure—and I turned with disgust from the well-dressed women who were returning with their children from this sight.  What a spectacle for humanity! The seeing such a flock of idle gazers plunged me into a train of reflections on the pernicious effects produced by false notions of justice. And I am persuaded that till capital punishments are entirely abolished executions ought to have every appearance of horror given to them, instead of being, as they are now, a scene of amusement for the gaping crowd, where sympathy is quickly effaced by curiosity.

I have always been of opinion that the allowing actors to die in the presence of the audience has an immoral tendency, but trifling when compared with the ferocity acquired by viewing the reality as a show; for it seems to me that in all countries the common people go to executions to see how the poor wretch plays his part, rather than to commiserate his fate, much less to think of the breach of morality which has brought him to such a deplorable end. Consequently executions, far from being useful examples to the survivors, have, I am persuaded, a quite contrary effect, by hardening the heart they ought to terrify. Besides the fear of an ignominious death, I believe, never deferred anyone from the commission of a crime, because, in committing it, the mind is roused to activity about present circumstances. It is a game at hazard, at which all expect the turn of the die in their own favour, never reflecting on the chance of ruin till it comes. In fact, from what I saw in the fortresses of Norway, I am more and more convinced that the same energy of character which renders a man a daring villain would have rendered him useful to society, had that society been well organised. When a strong mind is not disciplined by cultivation it is a sense of injustice that renders it unjust.

Executions, however, occur very rarely at Copenhagen; for timidity, rather than clemency, palsies all the operations of the present Government. The malefactor who died this morning would not, probably, have been punished with death at any other period; but an incendiary excites universal execration; and as the greater part of the inhabitants are still distressed by the late conflagration, an example was thought absolutely necessary; though, from what I can gather, the fire was accidental.

Not, but that I have very seriously been informed, that combustible materials were placed at proper distance, by the emissaries of Mr. Pitt; and, to corroborate the fact, many people insist that the flames burst out at once in different parts of the city; not allowing the wind to have any hand in it.  So much for the plot. But the fabricators of plots in all countries build their conjectures on the “baseless fabric of a vision;” and it seems even a sort of poetical justice, that whilst this Minister is crushing at home plots of his own conjuring up, on the Continent, and in the north, he should, with as little foundation, be accused of wishing to set the world on fire.

I forgot to mention to you, that I was informed, by a man of veracity, that two persons came to the stake to drink a glass of the criminal’s blood, as an infallible remedy for the apoplexy. And when I animadverted in the company, where it was mentioned, on such a horrible violation of nature, a Danish lady reproved me very severely, asking how I knew that it was not a cure for the disease? adding, that every attempt was justifiable in search of health. I did not, you may imagine, enter into an argument with a person the slave of such a gross prejudice. And I allude to it not only as a trait of the ignorance of the people, but to censure the Government for not preventing scenes that throw an odium on the human race.

Empiricism is not peculiar to Denmark; and I know no way of rooting it out, though it be a remnant of exploded witchcraft, till the acquiring a general knowledge of the component parts of the human frame becomes a part of public education.

Since the fire, the inhabitants have been very assiduously employed in searching for property secreted during the confusion; and it is astonishing how many people, formerly termed reputable, had availed themselves of the common calamity to purloin what the flames spared. Others, expert at making a distinction without a difference, concealed what they found, not troubling themselves to inquire for the owners, though they scrupled to search for plunder anywhere, but amongst the ruins.

To be honester than the laws require is by most people thought a work of supererogation; and to slip through the grate of the law has ever exercised the abilities of adventurers, who wish to get rich the shortest way. Knavery without personal danger is an art brought to great perfection by the statesman and swindler; and meaner knaves are not tardy in following their footsteps.

It moves my gall to discover some of the commercial frauds practised during the present war.  In short, under whatever point of view I consider society, it appears to me that an adoration of property is the root of all evil. Here it does not render the people enterprising, as in America, but thrifty and cautious.  I never, therefore, was in a capital where there was so little appearance of active industry; and as for gaiety, I looked in vain for the sprightly gait of the Norwegians, who in every respect appear to me to have got the start of them. This difference I attribute to their having more liberty—a liberty which they think their right by inheritance, whilst the Danes, when they boast of their negative happiness, always mention it as the boon of the Prince Royal, under the superintending wisdom of Count Bernstorff. Vassalage is nevertheless ceasing throughout the kingdom, and with it will pass away that sordid avarice which every modification of slavery is calculated to produce.

If the chief use of property be power, in the shape of the respect it procures, is it not among the inconsistencies of human nature most incomprehensible, that men should find a pleasure in hoarding up property which they steal from their necessities, even when they are convinced that it would be dangerous to display such an enviable superiority? Is not this the situation of serfs in every country. Yet a rapacity to accumulate money seems to become stronger in proportion as it is allowed to be useless.

Wealth does not appear to be sought for amongst the Danes, to obtain the excellent luxuries of life, for a want of taste is very conspicuous at Copenhagen; so much so that I am not surprised to hear that poor Matilda offended the rigid Lutherans by aiming to refine their pleasures. The elegance which she wished to introduce was termed lasciviousness; yet I do not find that the absence of gallantry renders the wives more chaste, or the husbands more constant. Love here seems to corrupt the morals without polishing the manners, by banishing confidence and truth, the charm as well as cement of domestic life. A gentleman, who has resided in this city some time, assures me that he could not find language to give me an idea of the gross debaucheries into which the lower order of people fall; and the promiscuous amours of the men of the middling class with their female servants debase both beyond measure, weakening every species of family affection.

I have everywhere been struck by one characteristic difference in the conduct of the two sexes; women, in general, are seduced by their superiors, and men jilted by their inferiors: rank and manners awe the one, and cunning and wantonness subjugate the other; ambition creeping into the woman’s passion, and tyranny giving force to the man’s, for most men treat their mistresses as kings do their favourites: ergo is not man then the tyrant of the creation?

Still harping on the same subject, you will exclaim—How can I avoid it, when most of the struggles of an eventful life have been occasioned by the oppressed state of my sex? We reason deeply when we feel forcibly.

But to return to the straight road of observation. The sensuality so prevalent appears to me to arise rather from indolence of mind and dull senses, than from an exuberance of life, which often fructifies the whole character when the vivacity of youthful spirits begins to subside into strength of mind.

I have before mentioned that the men are domestic tyrants, considering them as fathers, brothers, or husbands; but there is a kind of interregnum between the reign of the father and husband which is the only period of freedom and pleasure that the women enjoy. Young people who are attached to each other, with the consent of their friends, exchange rings, and are permitted to enjoy a degree of liberty together which I have never noticed in any other country. The days of courtship are, therefore, prolonged till it be perfectly convenient to marry: the intimacy often becomes very tender; and if the lover obtain the privilege of a husband, it can only be termed half by stealth, because the family is wilfully blind. It happens very rarely that these honorary engagements are dissolved or disregarded, a stigma being attached to a breach of faith which is thought more disgraceful, if not so criminal, as the violation of the marriage-vow.

Do not forget that, in my general observations, I do not pretend to sketch a national character, but merely to note the present state of morals and manners as I trace the progress of the world’s improvement. Because, during my residence in different countries, my principal object has been to take such a dispassionate view of men as will lead me to form a just idea of the nature of man.  And, to deal ingenuously with you, I believe I should have been less severe in the remarks I have made on the vanity and depravity of the French, had I travelled towards the north before I visited France.

The interesting picture frequently drawn of the virtues of a rising people has, I fear, been fallacious, excepting the accounts of the enthusiasm which various public struggles have produced. We talk of the depravity of the French, and lay a stress on the old age of the nation; yet where has more virtuous enthusiasm been displayed than during the two last years by the common people of France, and in their armies? I am obliged sometimes to recollect the numberless instances which I have either witnessed, or heard well authenticated, to balance the account of horrors, alas! but too true. I am, therefore, inclined to believe that the gross vices which I have always seem allied with simplicity of manners, are the concomitants of ignorance.

What, for example, has piety, under the heathen or Christian system, been, but a blind faith in things contrary to the principles of reason? And could poor reason make considerable advances when it was reckoned the highest degree of virtue to do violence to its dictates? Lutherans, preaching reformation, have built a reputation for sanctity on the same foundation as the Catholics; yet I do not perceive that a regular attendance on public worship, and their other observances, make them a whit more true in their affections, or honest in their private transactions. It seems, indeed, quite as easy to prevaricate with religious injunctions as human laws, when the exercise of their reason does not lead people to acquire principles for themselves to be the criterion of all those they receive from others.

If travelling, as the completion of a liberal education, were to be adopted on rational grounds, the northern states ought to be visited before the more polished parts of Europe, to serve as the elements even of the knowledge of manners, only to be acquired by tracing the various shades in different countries. But, when visiting distant climes, a momentary social sympathy should not be allowed to influence the conclusions of the understanding, for hospitality too frequently leads travellers, especially those who travel in search of pleasure, to make a false estimate of the virtues of a nation, which, I am now convinced, bear an exact proportion to their scientific improvements.

Adieu.


LETTER XXI.

I have seen Count Bernstorff; and his conversation confirms me in the opinion I had previously formed of him; I mean, since my arrival at Copenhagen. He is a worthy man, a little vain of his virtue à la Necker; and more anxious not to do wrong, that is to avoid blame, than desirous of doing good; especially if any particular good demands a change. Prudence, in short, seems to be the basis of his character; and, from the tenor of the Government, I should think inclining to that cautious circumspection which treads on the heels of timidity. He has considerable information, and some finesse; or he could not be a Minister. Determined not to risk his popularity, for he is tenderly careful of his reputation, he will never gloriously fail like Struensee, or disturb, with the energy of genius, the stagnant state of the public mind.

I suppose that Lavater, whom he invited to visit him two years ago—some say to fix the principles of the Christian religion firmly in the Prince Royal’s mind, found lines in his face to prove him a statesman of the first order; because he has a knack at seeing a great character in the countenances of men in exalted stations, who have noticed him or his works. Besides, the Count’s sentiments relative to the French Revolution, agreeing with Lavater’s, must have ensured his applause.

The Danes, in general, seem extremely averse to innovation, and if happiness only consist in opinion, they are the happiest people in the world; for I never saw any so well satisfied with their own situation. Yet the climate appears to be very disagreeable, the weather being dry and sultry, or moist and cold; the atmosphere never having that sharp, bracing purity, which in Norway prepares you to brave its rigours. I do not hear the inhabitants of this place talk with delight of the winter, which is the constant theme of the Norwegians; on the contrary, they seem to dread its comfortless inclemency.

The ramparts are pleasant, and must have been much more so before the fire, the walkers not being annoyed by the clouds of dust which, at present, the slightest wind wafts from the ruins.  The windmills, and the comfortable houses contiguous, belonging to the millers, as well as the appearance of the spacious barracks for the soldiers and sailors, tend to render this walk more agreeable. The view of the country has not much to recommend it to notice but its extent and cultivation: yet as the eye always delights to dwell on verdant plains, especially when we are resident in a great city, these shady walks should be reckoned amongst the advantages procured by the Government for the inhabitants. I like them better than the Royal Gardens, also open to the public, because the latter seem sunk in the heart of the city, to concentrate its fogs.

The canals which intersect the streets are equally convenient and wholesome; but the view of the sea commanded by the town had little to interest me whilst the remembrance of the various bold and picturesque shores I had seen was fresh in my memory. Still the opulent inhabitants, who seldom go abroad, must find the spots were they fix their country seats much pleasanter on account of the vicinity of the ocean.

One of the best streets in Copenhagen is almost filled with hospitals, erected by the Government, and, I am assured, as well regulated as institutions of this kind are in any country; but whether hospitals or workhouses are anywhere superintended with sufficient humanity I have frequently had reason to doubt.

The autumn is so uncommonly fine that I am unwilling to put off my journey to Hamburg much longer, lest the weather should alter suddenly, and the chilly harbingers of winter catch me here, where I have nothing now to detain me but the hospitality of the families to whom I had recommendatory letters. I lodged at an hotel situated in a large open square, where the troops exercise and the market is kept. My apartments were very good; and on account of the fire I was told that I should be charged very high; yet, paying my bill just now, I find the demands much lower in proportion than in Norway, though my dinners were in every respect better.

I have remained more at home since I arrived at Copenhagen than I ought to have done in a strange place, but the mind is not always equally active in search of information, and my oppressed heart too often sighs out—

“How dull, flat, and unprofitable
Are to me all the usages of this world:
That it should come to this!”

Farewell!  Fare thee well, I say; if thou canst, repeat the adieu in a different tone.


LETTER XXII.

I arrived at Corsoer the night after I quitted Copenhagen, purposing to take my passage across the Great Belt the next morning, though the weather was rather boisterous. It is about four-and-twenty miles but as both I and my little girl are never attacked by sea-sickness—though who can avoid ennui?—I enter a boat with the same indifference as I change horses; and as for danger, come when it may, I dread it not sufficiently to have any anticipating fears.

The road from Copenhagen was very good, through an open, flat country that had little to recommend it to notice excepting the cultivation, which gratified my heart more than my eye.

I took a barge with a German baron who was hastening back from a tour into Denmark, alarmed by the intelligence of the French having passed the Rhine. His conversation beguiled the time, and gave a sort of stimulus to my spirits, which had been growing more and more languid ever since my return to Gothenburg; you know why. I had often endeavoured to rouse myself to observation by reflecting that I was passing through scenes which I should probably never see again, and consequently ought not to omit observing. Still I fell into reveries, thinking, by way of excuse, that enlargement of mind and refined feelings are of little use but to barb the arrows of sorrow which waylay us everywhere, eluding the sagacity of wisdom and rendering principles unavailing, if considered as a breastwork to secure our own hearts.

Though we had not a direct wind, we were not detained more than three hours and a half on the water, just long enough to give us an appetite for our dinner.

We travelled the remainder of the day and the following night in company with the same party, the German gentleman whom I have mentioned, his friend, and servant. The meetings at the post-houses were pleasant to me, who usually heard nothing but strange tongues around me.  Marguerite and the child often fell asleep, and when they were awake I might still reckon myself alone, as our train of thoughts had nothing in common. Marguerite, it is true, was much amused by the costume of the women, particularly by the pannier which adorned both their heads and tails, and with great glee recounted to me the stories she had treasured up for her family when once more within the barriers of dear Paris, not forgetting, with that arch, agreeable vanity peculiar to the French, which they exhibit whilst half ridiculing it, to remind me of the importance she should assume when she informed her friends of all her journeys by sea and land, showing the pieces of money she had collected, and stammering out a few foreign phrases, which she repeated in a true Parisian accent. Happy thoughtlessness! ay, and enviable harmless vanity, which thus produced a gaité du coeur worth all my philosophy!

The man I had hired at Copenhagen advised me to go round about twenty miles to avoid passing the Little Belt excepting by a ferry, as the wind was contrary. But the gentlemen overruled his arguments, which we were all very sorry for afterwards, when we found ourselves becalmed on the Little Belt ten hours, tacking about without ceasing, to gain the shore.

An oversight likewise made the passage appear much more tedious, nay, almost insupportable. When I went on board at the Great Belt, I had provided refreshments in case of detention, which remaining untouched I thought not then any such precaution necessary for the second passage, misled by the epithet of “little,” though I have since been informed that it is frequently the longest. This mistake occasioned much vexation; for the child, at last, began to cry so bitterly for bread, that fancy conjured up before me the wretched Ugolino, with his famished children; and I, literally speaking, enveloped myself in sympathetic horrors, augmented by every fear my babe shed, from which I could not escape till we landed, and a luncheon of bread and basin of milk routed the spectres of fancy.

I then supped with my companions, with whom I was soon after to part for ever—always a most melancholy death-like idea—a sort of separation of soul; for all the regret which follows those from whom fate separates us seems to be something torn from ourselves. These were strangers I remember; yet when there is any originality in a countenance, it takes its place in our memory, and we are sorry to lose an acquaintance the moment he begins to interest us, through picked up on the highway. There was, in fact, a degree of intelligence, and still more sensibility, in the features and conversation of one of the gentlemen, that made me regret the loss of his society during the rest of the journey; for he was compelled to travel post, by his desire to reach his estate before the arrival of the French.

This was a comfortable inn, as were several others I stopped at; but the heavy sandy roads were very fatiguing, after the fine ones we had lately skimmed over both in Sweden and Denmark. The country resembled the most open part of England—laid out for corn rather than grazing.  It was pleasant, yet there was little in the prospects to awaken curiosity, by displaying the peculiar characteristics of a new country, which had so frequently stole me from myself in Norway. We often passed over large unenclosed tracts, not graced with trees, or at least very sparingly enlivened by them, and the half-formed roads seemed to demand the landmarks, set up in the waste, to prevent the traveller from straying far out of his way, and plodding through the wearisome sand.

The heaths were dreary, and had none of the wild charms of those of Sweden and Norway to cheat time; neither the terrific rocks, nor smiling herbage grateful to the sight and scented from afar, made us forget their length. Still the country appeared much more populous, and the towns, if not the farmhouses, were superior to those of Norway. I even thought that the inhabitants of the former had more intelligence—at least, I am sure they had more vivacity in their countenances than I had seen during my northern tour: their senses seemed awake to business and pleasure.  I was therefore gratified by hearing once more the busy hum of industrious men in the day, and the exhilarating sounds of joy in the evening; for, as the weather was still fine, the women and children were amusing themselves at their doors, or walking under the trees, which in many places were planted in the streets; and as most of the towns of any note were situated on little bays or branches of the Baltic, their appearance as we approached was often very picturesque, and, when we entered, displayed the comfort and cleanliness of easy, if not the elegance of opulent, circumstances. But the cheerfulness of the people in the streets was particularly grateful to me, after having been depressed by the deathlike silence of those of Denmark, where every house made me think of a tomb. The dress of the peasantry is suited to the climate; in short, none of that poverty and dirt appeared, at the sight of which the heart sickens.

As I only stopped to change horses, take refreshment, and sleep, I had not an opportunity of knowing more of the country than conclusions which the information gathered by my eyes enabled me to draw, and that was sufficient to convince me that I should much rather have lived in some of the towns I now pass through than in any I had seen in Sweden or Denmark. The people struck me as having arrived at that period when the faculties will unfold themselves; in short; they look alive to improvement, neither congealed by indolence, nor bent down by wretchedness to servility.

From the previous impression—I scarcely can trace whence I received it—I was agreeably surprised to perceive such an appearance of comfort in this part of Germany.  I had formed a conception of the tyranny of the petty potentates that had thrown a gloomy veil over the face of the whole country in my imagination, that cleared away like the darkness of night before the sun as I saw the reality. I should probably have discovered much lurking misery, the consequence of ignorant oppression, no doubt, had I had time to inquire into particulars; but it did not stalk abroad and infect the surface over which my eye glanced. Yes, I am persuaded that a considerable degree of general knowledge pervades this country, for it is only from the exercise of the mind that the body acquires the activity from which I drew these inferences. Indeed, the King of Denmark’s German dominions—Holstein—appeared to me far superior to any other part of his kingdom which had fallen under my view; and the robust rustics to have their muscles braced, instead of the, as it were, lounge of the Danish peasantry.

Arriving at Sleswick, the residence of Prince Charles of Hesse-Cassel, the sight of the soldiers recalled all the unpleasing ideas of German despotism, which imperceptibly vanished as I advanced into the country. I viewed, with a mixture of pity and horror, these beings training to be sold to slaughter, or be slaughtered, and fell into reflections on an old opinion of mine, that it is the preservation of the species, not of individuals, which appears to be the design of the Deity throughout the whole of Nature. Blossoms come forth only to be blighted; fish lay their spawn where it will be devoured; and what a large portion of the human race are born merely to be swept prematurely away! Does not this waste of budding life emphatically assert that it is not men, but Man, whose preservation is so necessary to the completion of the grand plan of the universe? Children peep into existence, suffer, and die; men play like moths about a candle, and sink into the flame; war, and “the thousand ills which flesh is heir to,” mow them down in shoals; whilst the more cruel prejudices of society palsy existence, introducing not less sure though slower decay.

The castle was heavy and gloomy, yet the grounds about it were laid out with some taste; a walk, winding under the shade of lofty trees, led to a regularly built and animated town.

I crossed the drawbridge, and entered to see this shell of a court in miniature, mounting ponderous stairs—it would be a solecism to say a flight—up which a regiment of men might have marched, shouldering their firelocks to exercise in vast galleries, where all the generations of the Princes of Hesse-Cassel might have been mustered rank and file, though not the phantoms of all the wretched they had bartered to support their state, unless these airy substances could shrink and expand, like Milton’s devils, to suit the occasion.

The sight of the presence-chamber, and of the canopy to shade the fauteuil which aped a throne, made me smile.  All the world is a stage, thought I; and few are there in it who do not play the part they have learnt by rote; and those who do not, seem marks set up to be pelted at by fortune, or rather as sign-posts which point out the road to others, whilst forced to stand still themselves amidst the mud and dust.

Waiting for our horses, we were amused by observing the dress of the women, which was very grotesque and unwieldy. The false notion of beauty which prevails here as well as in Denmark, I should think very inconvenient in summer, as it consists in giving a rotundity to a certain part of the body, not the most slim, when Nature has done her part. This Dutch prejudice often leads them to toil under the weight of some ten or a dozen petticoats, which, with an enormous basket, literally speaking, as a bonnet, or a straw hat of dimensions equally gigantic, almost completely conceal the human form as well as face divine, often worth showing; still they looked clean, and tripped along, as it were, before the wind, with a weight of tackle that I could scarcely have lifted. Many of the country girls I met appeared to me pretty—that is, to have fine complexions, sparkling eyes, and a kind of arch, hoyden playfulness which distinguishes the village coquette. The swains, in their Sunday trim, attended some of these fair ones in a more slouching pace, though their dress was not so cumbersome. The women seem to take the lead in polishing the manners everywhere, this being the only way to better their condition.

From what I have seen throughout my journey, I do not think the situation of the poor in England is much, if at all, superior to that of the same class in different parts of the world; and in Ireland I am sure it is much inferior. I allude to the former state of England; for at present the accumulation of national wealth only increases the cares of the poor, and hardens the hearts of the rich, in spite of the highly extolled rage for almsgiving.

You know that I have always been an enemy to what is termed charity, because timid bigots, endeavouring thus to cover their sins, do violence to justice, till, acting the demigod, they forget that they are men. And there are others who do not even think of laying up a treasure in heaven, whose benevolence is merely tyranny in disguise; they assist the most worthless, because the most servile, and term them helpless only in proportion to their fawning.

After leaving Sleswick, we passed through several pretty towns; Itzehof particularly pleased me; and the country, still wearing the same aspect, was improved by the appearance of more trees and enclosures. But what gratified me most was the population. I was weary of travelling four or five hours, never meeting a carriage, and scarcely a peasant; and then to stop at such wretched huts as I had seen in Sweden was surely sufficient to chill any heart awake to sympathy, and throw a gloom over my favourite subject of contemplation, the future improvement of the world.

The farmhouses, likewise, with the huge stables, into which we drove whilst the horses were putting to or baiting, were very clean and commodious. The rooms, with a door into this hall-like stable and storehouse in one, were decent; and there was a compactness in the appearance of the whole family lying thus snugly together under the same roof that carried my fancy back to the primitive times, which probably never existed with such a golden lustre as the animated imagination lends when only able to seize the prominent features.

At one of them, a pretty young woman, with languishing eyes of celestial blue, conducted us into a very neat parlour, and observing how loosely and lightly my little girl was clad, began to pity her in the sweetest accents, regardless of the rosy down of health on her cheeks. This same damsel was dressed—it was Sunday—with taste and even coquetry, in a cotton jacket, ornamented with knots of blue ribbon, fancifully disposed to give life to her fine complexion. I loitered a little to admire her, for every gesture was graceful; and, amidst the other villagers, she looked like a garden lily suddenly rearing its head amongst grain and corn-flowers. As the house was small, I gave her a piece of money rather larger than it was my custom to give to the female waiters—for I could not prevail on her to sit down—which she received with a smile; yet took care to give it, in my presence, to a girl who had brought the child a slice of bread; by which I perceived that she was the mistress or daughter of the house, and without doubt the belle of the village. There was, in short, an appearance of cheerful industry, and of that degree of comfort which shut out misery, in all the little hamlets as I approached Hamburg, which agreeably surprised me.

The short jackets which the women wear here, as well as in France, are not only more becoming to the person, but much better calculated for women who have rustic or household employments than the long gowns worn in England, dangling in the dirt.

All the inns on the road were better than I expected, though the softness of the beds still harassed me, and prevented my finding the rest I was frequently in want of, to enable me to bear the fatigue of the next day. The charges were moderate, and the people very civil, with a certain honest hilarity and independent spirit in their manner, which almost made me forget that they were innkeepers, a set of men—waiters, hostesses, chambermaids, etc., down to the ostler, whose cunning servility in England I think particularly disgusting.

The prospect of Hamburg at a distance, as well as the fine road shaded with trees, led me to expect to see a much pleasanter city than I found.

I was aware of the difficulty of obtaining lodgings, even at the inns, on account of the concourse of strangers at present resorting to such a centrical situation, and determined to go to Altona the next day to seek for an abode, wanting now only rest. But even for a single night we were sent from house to house, and found at last a vacant room to sleep in, which I should have turned from with disgust had there been a choice.

I scarcely know anything that produces more disagreeable sensations, I mean to speak of the passing cares, the recollection of which afterwards enlivens our enjoyments, than those excited by little disasters of this kind. After a long journey, with our eyes directed to some particular spot, to arrive and find nothing as it should be is vexatious, and sinks the agitated spirits. But I, who received the cruellest of disappointments last spring in returning to my home, term such as these emphatically passing cares. Know you of what materials some hearts are made? I play the child, and weep at the recollection—for the grief is still fresh that stunned as well as wounded me—yet never did drops of anguish like these bedew the cheeks of infantine innocence—and why should they mine, that never was stained by a blush of guilt? Innocent and credulous as a child, why have I not the same happy thoughtlessness?  

Adieu!

(Letters written during ...) 1796?